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| 1 |
ID:
143245
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| Summary/Abstract |
Clearly, something has gone wrong with the U.S. Asian policy that has now been in place for more than forty years. Today, China possesses military and economic power undreamed of in the 1970s. And it has embarked on a course that seeks fundamentally to alter the political and territorial status quo in Asia while using military force as she seeks to acquire territories she claims, far from her continental territory. This article surveys how this new situation developed and details the problems it poses. It concludes that neither we nor our allies understand the present situation and are caught unprepared. The situation can be managed and retrieved to be sure, but not without some major and quite unexpected changes.
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| 2 |
ID:
143253
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars have sought to shoehorn American foreign policy into the distinctly European theories of liberalism, realism, or nationalism that are taught in International Relations courses. But America's first grand strategy, as articulated in Washington's Farewell Address in 1796, blended such views in a distinctly American way. The widespread belief that this address counsels isolationism is wrong. Washington instead argues on behalf of an America that stands for moderation and independence in our international engagements. His legacy is evident nearly two centuries later in Eisenhower's Farewell Address in 1961. These statesmen embody the distinctive quality of American strategy that balances and blends seemingly rival principles to avoid extremes of injustice and imprudence. Tocqueville's praise of Washington's grand strategy affirms its deeper philosophical roots, as distinct from mere pragmatism. In his address, Eisenhower adapted the Washingtonian approach, blending interests and justice, prudence and principles, and power and pacific benevolence—to advocate our global leadership as America's enlightened self-interest.
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| 3 |
ID:
143252
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This article contends that takfiri jihadist groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria and the Islamic State exhibit tendencies consistent with Jeffrey Kaplan's fifth wave of terror theory. Beyond placing these groups within Kaplan's framework, this essay also discusses them within the context of takfiri precursors, like the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Contrary to Kaplan's argument that Islamist groups are not part of the fifth wave, this article concludes that his theory does pertain to takfiri jihadist groups and underscores why this is an important distinction.
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| 4 |
ID:
143249
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| Summary/Abstract |
India continues to build its material capabilities but there is rising concern about its ability to direct these toward the service of a grand strategy. India's history highlights that a crucial requirement for developing a grand strategy is an integrative, coordinative state. However, historical and current Indian defense reform efforts implicitly admit this absence of an integrative defense policymaking structure. Recognizing the grand strategy lessons from India's own history will assist defense reform initiatives.
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| 5 |
ID:
143251
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| Summary/Abstract |
Every few years, scholars and strategists rediscover the importance of geography. Interest in the terrestrial setting of international politics has grown again in the last few years, with classical geopolitics, in particular, receiving a fresh look from a variety of angles. Scholars, journalists and strategists have abetted geography's “revenge” against perceptions of obsolescence in the face of changing technology.1 This article discusses this most recent regeneration, evaluating the descriptive, predictive and prescriptive contributions of classical geopolitics, from Kjellen to Kaplan, in order to help determine whether the revival is to be welcomed.
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| 6 |
ID:
143248
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| Summary/Abstract |
The fast-moving events of Syria and Iraq in 2014 demonstrated the enormous risk to U.S. security interests when America and its allies have too little intelligence presence or operational agility in an area rife with insurgency and terrorist outfits. The United States cannot “fix” the region or eliminate the major challenges to security most dominant within Afghanistan. However, America can be better postured to support the already faltering Afghan National Security Force, better aware of the rapidly evolving jihadist militant milieu in the Af-Pak region, and better informed than it might otherwise be about the evolving nature of Indo-Pakistani proxy hostilities playing out across the border region. The promised post-2014 U.S./NATO military presence is insufficient to meet these major requirements.
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| 7 |
ID:
143247
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the U.S. Russia relationship remains strained over the Ukraine, the authors argue that Russia's Far East could be one of the building blocks of a revitalized U.S.-Russia relationship—one based on common security concerns and a shared Pacific space. Coping with China's rise is an important basis for renewed cooperation. Engaging the region could not only benefit the relationship as a whole but also contribute to security and stability in the Asia-Pacific, a vital U.S. national interest. The article concludes with recommendations for improving the U.S.- Russian relationship.
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| 8 |
ID:
143250
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Turkey's recent history has placed it at odds with Europe and the United States, leading some to suggest that Ankara has become an unreliable ally. Such a view is short-sighted. Turkey remains geostrategically important for a variety of reasons arising from both its pivotal location and its history. This article seeks to take the long view, placing recent developments in their historical context. Turkey's distinctive and long history is key to both analysis of the current situation, and evaluation of appropriate foreign policies toward Europe, the Middle East, the United States and the wider international system.
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