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| 1 |
ID:
143336
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the contribution of civil society, notably religious and faith-based groups, traditional institutions, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), human rights groups, and community-based self-help groups, in promoting local-level peacebuilding in northern Uganda. Civil society groups in northern Uganda provided alternative narratives of the conflict, exposed brutalities against civilians, and ideas of peacebuilding. They lobbied, facilitated negotiations, engaged in building cultures of peace, promoted reconciliation, sustained livelihoods at the local level, and influenced outside peacebuilding interventions. However, the national context constrained their activities. This article is based on research and consultancy materials, personal observation, official and unofficial documents from the government, international organizations, intergovernmental agencies, and NGOs, newspaper reports, and scholarly publications.
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| 2 |
ID:
143333
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The recent female literacy and fertility levels in Kerala state are examined using the 2011 census data. Arriaga’s approach for estimation of age-specific fertility rates is undertaken to show the particularities of Kerala state and the best practices which made this state an example for other states in India as well as other places in the world, particularly developing countries. Women’s empowerment gets as much credit as physical facilities and family planning programs; this empowerment level of women is also related to their level of education.
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| 3 |
ID:
143335
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study presents an analysis of the history of official corruption in colonial Nigeria based on the requirements of Nigerian laws against corruption and the actual reporting of corruption cases made by the Director of Audit from 1950–1960. It reveals that many of the proven cases of fraud were however not sanctioned as required by law and that this laid the foundation for a culture of impunity in the management of public resources in the immediate post-independence period. The paper concludes that cases of corrupt acts could probably have been mitigated had the due processes of financial reporting been strictly followed.
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| 4 |
ID:
143332
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a stark contrast between Nelson Mandela the freedom fighter and the young man who grew up in rural Transkei without a ‘hunger to be free’. Until entering Johannesburg in 1941, he generally did not recognise or resist white oppression. Mandela was destined to be counsellor to the future abaThembu king, not a leader himself. Nevertheless, he encountered discordant notes, suggesting that he could not be a man as long as Africans were a conquered people. His consequent transition to manhood remained unresolved until his involvement in the defiance of the apartheid regime, which signified the attainment of his manhood that had been denied to him in earlier life.
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| 5 |
ID:
143334
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of study was to address the factors influencing landholdings and fertility among women in rural Kenya. The data used are from the 2008–2009 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey (KDHS) of a representative sample size of 6761 women, aged 15–49 years. Statistical tests are utilized to answer the research question, such as Chi-square and logistic regression and P-tests. The results show that the relationship between fertility and landholdings influences family sizes. The relationship between fertility behaviour and occupational status is found to be statistically significant with a P-value of 0.00 and χ2 of 268.24. A high proportion (68.9%) of the women had worked in the preceding reference period. The result of this study is expected to be of particular use for policy makers, planners and other interested stakeholders in population and development spheres.
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| 6 |
ID:
143331
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This article presents an analysis of police violence in contemporary South Africa and it is argued that this violence is aimed at upholding an unequal social order. Recent years have seen an alarming rise in the number of deaths and assaults at the hands of the police. Much academic, media and civil society commentary has blamed this on an apparent program of police ‘remilitarization’. Despite its critical tone much of this commentary upholds that the police should be an apolitical force of good in society, but has been led astray by bad policy. In contrast, more radical voices have suggested that the police are a brutal mechanism of state violence, targeted primarily against the black poor. This article will build on this growing critique by discussing recent theory on the links between police institutions, war and capitalist society. It will be argued that state violence and control, of which police brutality is a key force, are not aberrations but in fact are central to the upholding of the post-apartheid liberal order.
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| 7 |
ID:
143337
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| Summary/Abstract |
A very interesting observation in recent South Korea–China relations is the sharp contrast between their “hot” economic and “cold” political ties. This article proposes to understand the “trade–conflict” relations from the perspective of the two states’ grand strategy of foreign policy. At the bilateral level, Vector Autoregression models are employed to test the Granger causality between Sino-South Korean bilateral trade and political relations. At the regional level, the two states’ economic and political ties with other regional powers in Northeast Asia are examined. The findings reveal different patterns in South Korea and China’s grand strategies to balance their economic and political goals.
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