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| 1 |
ID:
106152
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| 2 |
ID:
132290
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2014.
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| Description |
xxvi, 402p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788182747555
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057803 | 359/SLO 057803 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
122075
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| 4 |
ID:
024014
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| Publication |
Honolulu, Law of the Sea Institute, University of Hawaii, 1982.
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| Description |
iii, 60p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 021893 | 551.468/JOH 021893 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
106507
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| 6 |
ID:
120803
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
No matter what one thinks should be done about global warming, the fact is, it's happening. And its effects are not all bad. In the Arctic, it is turning an impassible region into an emerging epicenter of industry and trade.
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| 7 |
ID:
110842
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2012.
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The Beaufort Sea maritime boundary dispute has traditionally been understood as involving a wedge-shaped area of maritime space that extends to a distance of 200 nautical miles north of the terminus of the Canada-United States border between the Yukon Territory and Alaska. However, new data collected in pursuit of establishing the limits of the extended continental shelf in the region show that the two countries' seabed resource rights may stretch far beyond the 200-nautical-mile limit of the exclusive economic zone. Significantly, at approximately 200 nautical miles from shore, the U.S.-claimed equidistance line crosses the line claimed by Canada, which follows the 141° W meridian, meaning that the legal positions of the two countries if simply extended beyond the EEZ would appear to favor the other party. This article explores how the United States and Canada might seek to reformulate their legal positions to resolve the dispute. Though these reformulated positions might not reduce the area in dispute, they will clarify it and potentially enable the parties to either delimit a single maritime boundary or choose to implement one of a number of creative solutions to the dispute that are outlined in the article.
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| 8 |
ID:
112757
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2012.
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This article examines the role(s) that the member governments want the Arctic Council to have in Arctic Ocean affairs. The article identifies and examines three determining debates over the role and future of the Arctic Council: The first preceded the Arctic Council's creation in 1996, the second occurred during and as a result of the Ilulissat meeting in 2008, and the third followed the political shift in the United States in 2009.
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| 9 |
ID:
100003
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| Publication |
Philadelphia, RUSI, 2010.
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| Description |
xiii, 119p.
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| Standard Number |
9780855161538
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055467 | 363.71632/BER 055467 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
122072
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| 11 |
ID:
153006
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This article looks at the South China Sea dispute and its impact in international relations. It analyses why the Southeast Asian states are highly sovereignty sensitive, and how such sensitivity has made non-intervention the bedrock of managing their foreign policies. China has long viewed the near seas as regions of geostrategic interest, and thus the SCS is not an exception. On the one hand it brings hope and prosperity, and on the other uncertainty and threat. At the end, the article argues whether China’s assertive position regarding other countries’ sovereignty claims in the Arctic might undermine its own position in contested areas like the SCS, and suggests that China will at least have to learn how to share and bear (term coined by the author) as a member of the international community.
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| 12 |
ID:
109772
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| 13 |
ID:
111693
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2012.
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Experimental transit voyages along the Northern Sea Route to the north of Russia are breaking new ground each year and the route is already significant for the export of raw materials from Russian ports. National and corporate interests are now driving Russia's Arctic policy, rather than, as formerly, an exclusive focus on security, and the Russian government has ambitious plans for the development of the route. Future regular transit of the Northern Sea Route between Europe and Asia, at present facing serious obstacles, could be accelerated not only by climate change, but by overload on, or interruptions to, the existing route through the Suez Canal, which passes through some of the world's most volatile regions. Despite the formidable impediments to regular year round transit of the Northern Sea Route, governments of the non-Arctic states with most at stake, particularly Germany and China, appear to be taking no chances, and to be jockeying for influence in the Arctic region. The interests of the non-Arctic trading states, and of the European Union, more inclined to view the Arctic Ocean as part of the 'common heritage of mankind', are however potentially different from those of Russia, and indeed of Canada in respect of the North East passage, both determined to maintain their exclusive national jurisdiction over emerging sea lanes through their territorial waters. Great issues are at stake here. The emergence of new sea lanes has historically impacted heavily on the international balance of power. Where the merchant fleets go, navies will shortly follow.
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| 14 |
ID:
133953
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2014.
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This article recounts the negotiations and emergence of Article 234 concerning ice-covered areas in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. As Arctic shipping increases, more vessels and flag states may be subject to the provisions of Article 234, which permit coastal states to both prescribe and enforce special measures to protect the marine environment in ice-covered areas. The history of the Article 234, disclosed partially through declassified U.S. government documents, provides context for implementation of the provision by Arctic coastal states and flag states.
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| 15 |
ID:
145653
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This article examines the existing governance arrangements applicable to the Bering Strait Region (BSR), assesses the emerging needs for governance in the region, and considers options for addressing these needs. Widely regarded as a critical chokepoint between the North Pacific and the Arctic Ocean (and its marginal seas), the BSR is subject to a variety of regimes, ranging from global constitutive arrangements (e.g., 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea) to bilateral operational arrangements. The growth of human activities in the BSR, associated with transformative changes occurring in the Arctic in recent years, is generating new needs for governance. This article reveals options that can be used or ignored by decision makers, in contrast to recommendations that may involve advocacy, with the single objective of contributing to informed decision making in this realm.
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| 16 |
ID:
132003
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The five states that surround the Arctic Ocean- Russia, Canada, the United States, Denmark, and Norway-have in recent years taken various measures to protect their economic and security interests in the north. The measures include not only the adoption of Arctic strategies, but also the development of new military capabilities. As in other parts of the world, one state's military efforts to enhance its security may have the unfortunate effect of making others feel less secure, and therefore more likely to undertake similar efforts. Thus, despite being a low-tension region, the Arctic is by no means immune to the logic of the security dilemma.
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| 17 |
ID:
119864
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Prince of Wales Strait, Northwest Territories-A century ago, traversing the Northwest Passage was a grueling effort that often took years. Explorers frequently perished as their boats sunk or got trapped in the abundant pack ice. Today, these waters are mostly ice-free during the summer, and ships can sail through with ease.
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| 18 |
ID:
108593
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses several questions pertaining to Canada's extended continental shelf in the Arctic Ocean. How well is Canada positioned to meet the 2013 timeline? How are the current practices of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf likely to impact Canada's submission? What concerns does Article 82 of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea pose for Canada? The article concludes that Canada is well positioned to meet the 2013 deadline, but that the commission is ill-prepared to provide a timely response. Article 82 presents a particularly thorny problem as the details on which such arrangements must be based will not be fully known until commercial production begins, which is decades away.
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| 19 |
ID:
127026
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
International cooperation in the Arctic has been expanding steadily since the start of the 21st century, assuming systemic outlines over a relatively short period of time (from 2006 till 2013), as evidenced by a series of development concepts approved by the interested countries for their respective regions. The review of these documents indicates that most of the key tasks lie in the foreign policy field, with Arctic diplomacy playing a major role in their implementation. Unique geographical and climatic features make the Arctic truly international. The Arctic Ocean is a center of gravity for polar and off-polar nations. Dividing lines here are less noticeable than on land, but this does not detract from their legal significance. More often than not, resources within the exclusive economic zones of the five littoral states are transboundary in nature and their development (e.g., Shtokman field, Yamal LNG) requires the creation of international consortiums. Apart from cooperation, the Arctic states also have to coordinate their mutual interests and regulate disputes. All these aspects in their entirety form the thematic area within which Arctic diplomacy is used
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| 20 |
ID:
133488
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2009, the United States has released numerous strategic documents outlining the U.S. interests and national objectives in the Arctic. Although these documents recognize increasing interests of the United States in the region, they do not adequately address all the strategic risks at stake in the Arctic and do not provide clear guidance to the Department of Defense for defensive lines of effort. The strategic approach of the United States to the Arctic is one that accepts the current stable and conflict-free Arctic region and assumes that these conditions will remain the same in the future. This outlook ignores important trends that may create challenges for the United States far sooner than national policy makers expect. Without adequate defensive posturing, competition over Arctic resources could present the first direct existential threat to U.S. sovereignty. The four issues at stake that will likely require a combatant commander to use military capabilities to protect U.S. national interests in the Arctic include mineral and resource protection, freedom of navigation, sea lines of communication, and militarization of the Arctic.
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