|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
184224
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In 2013, China's growing economic capacities motivated Beijing to launch a multilateral bank to advance its diplomatic agenda. Scholars are still debating precisely what Beijing seeks to accomplish through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This article surveys the key literature on the AIIB, identifying twenty scholarly interpretations of Beijing's strategic goals. The purpose of this research is to understand Beijing's initial design for this bank and evaluate whether this new multilateral development bank can function as an effective instrument for Beijing's economic statecraft. Over its first five years, as an economic tool for Beijing, the AIIB has performed quite remarkably well. The bank not only operates smoothly, generating a reasonable amount in net income for its shareholders, but also serves Beijing's strategic purposes in expanding China's regional influence, enhancing its international status, and ascending toward global leadership.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
166012
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Creating the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), a multilateral development bank initiated by the People’s Republic of China, has been one of the key symptoms of Xi Jinping’s ambitious “China Dream” foreign policy. The previous studies mainly focused on providing a description of AIIB’s creation or general motives and context through which they explicated the establishment of the Bank. Building on the literature focused on strategic culture and grand strategy, I supplement the general motives of AIIB’s creation by characterizing the style and process of AIIB’s materialization. I argue that the style (procedure) of AIIB’s implementation largely resembles the previous Dengian model of strategic procedure which Deng himself described with the Chinese saying “crossing the river by touching the stones” which evinces flexibility and “step-by-step” characteristics in its procedure. This helps to illustrate that China’s engagement with the international order can be adaptive to a significant degree and China does not necessarily follow a pre-planned vision of how to take over international (institutional) order. While China’s foreign policy in some areas is often regarded as being assertive and rigidly defending its positions, AIIB is a different case to a high extent. Moreover, analyzing the creation of AIIB indicates ambiguity of Xi’s foreign policy regarding general aims it wants to achieve and identities on which it should be based.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
155111
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
. Hong Kong is a place which has a possibly unparalleled tradition of looking outwards, toward the world’s largest ocean and out across its greatest landmass. The vast amount of wares and funds that have passed through the territory, and the services that have been provided from within its shores, have not only supplied the economic lifeblood of a great city but have helped forge a society committed to free markets and the fostering of trade and investment and one which is receptive of ideas carried from abroad. All of this has been underpinned by the role law plays in Hong Kong in respecting bargains made and providing the framework in which business is conducted, disputes resolved and obligations enforced. Hong Kong, undoubtedly, is one of the world’s great legal centres.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
169317
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Belt and Road (B&R) initiative has been put forward by China as a comprehensive and multifaceted plan that also touches on the space industry. One significant project aimed by the B&R framework is to establish the B&R Space Information Corridor (B&R-SIC). The Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO), which was initially created by China as the platform to lead Asian space cooperation, has been recognized as a qualified participant of the B&R-SIC to co-build relevant programs and provide services. However, the existing legal mechanisms both internal and external to APSCO are insufficient to ensure the progress of its activities involving B&R space projects. It is necessary to explore a legal arrangement between APSCO and the responsible administrations of B&R space projects, at the same time of improving the legal framework of APSCO itself. More comprehensive implementation of the “fair return” principle could play an important role because it is helpful to generate a sustainable cooperation mechanism by equally respecting all member states' contributions. Also, a legal framework to accommodate increased commercial activities of APSCO will be beneficial.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
185213
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Bangladesh celebrated its 50th year in 2021, marking significant improvement in the lives of its citizens. However, the celebrations were muted by not just the ongoing pandemic but also increasing authoritarianism. The economy was hit hard by the pandemic, but a recovery appears to be underway. A resolution to the Rohingya refugee crisis remains elusive, and in the long run the country remains acutely vulnerable to climate change.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
185169
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Australia has not been alone in declining the opportunity to take part in China's Belt & Road Initiative (BRI). Instead, this article contends, Australia launched its own infrastructure initiative in the Pacific that has attempted to reduce the attractiveness of the BRI to the region. The article focuses on Australia’s intervention in the Coral Sea Cable System, an action which vastly reduced the role of Chinese firms such as Huawei in building telecommunications infrastructure in the Pacific. Informed by a postcolonial perspective, we explain Australia’s stance on the BRI in terms of its intimate but at-times problematic relations with Asia and the Pacific. This was reflected in Australia’s unwillingness to acknowledge the legitimacy of the BRI as a foreign policy initiative, in its invocation of the ‘rules-based order’ to justify its intervention in the cable project, and in the design of its regional infrastructure program, which bore some uncanny resemblances to what Australian policymakers have depicted as the worst aspects of the BRI itself.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
167329
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In looking at the case of Niger, this article demonstrates that there have been a lot of similarities between China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) launched in 2013 and its ‘going out’ strategy initiated in the late 1990s. Prior to 2013, many of the BRI’s objectives and strategies were already at work in Africa, and particularly in socioeconomically poor, landlocked countries that badly need infrastructure and connectivity. It also shows that China has been ready to invest in projects that are not necessarily profitable in the short term to consolidate its economic and diplomatic presence in the targeted country as well as to help its large state firms growing and internationalizing. It then demonstrates that although Niger did not belong in the initial group of countries targeted by the BRI, this initiative has contributed to deepening China’s economic and political influence in Niger, particularly to the detriment of France. Finally, this article highlights that both in Africa, particularly in the Sahel region, and in the BRI countries, China is facing emerging security challenges, continuing to mainly rely on others to overcome them.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
176999
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
China’s deepening ties with the Republic of Belarus, combined with the latter’s geographic position between the EU and Russia (the veritable leader of the Eurasian Economic Union), stands to potentially benefit China’s bid to deepen economic cooperation with the European Union. More specifically, enhanced collaboration between Beijing and Minsk helps the PRC develop relations with the Eurasian Economic Union (essential to China’s ambitions to augment cooperation with Europe) while simultaneously providing a geographic avenue for China into the central and eastern European regions of the EU for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Nevertheless, the degree to which Beijing’s stronger relations with Minsk will serve Chinese interests in connecting with Europe will depend in large on whether or not Belarus and the EU can overcome significant differences in their relationship, as well as whether the relationship between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (as a partner of the BRI) takes on a cooperative or a competitive nature.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
165878
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), since its inception in late 2013, has drawn
tremendous global attention. The views of political leaders, business people,
the media, and analysts on the prospect of the BRI are ostensibly polarized.
One group asserts that the BRI will dramatically increase Beijing’s global influence, particularly in China’s neighborhood. Another group surmises that the
BRI is expected to fail because of insurmountable challenges and is expected
to fail. This article joins the debate by exploring the impact of the BRI on
Southeast Asia’s regional order. The author holds a middle-ground position
and argues that the actual impact of the BRI should neither be easily dismissed nor overestimated. More likely, through the BRI, China’s influence in
Southeast Asia will increase but not to the extent of forging a Sinocentric
order in the region. This can be explained by three major factors: (a) the
responses of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its member
states toward the BRI, (b) the effects of alternative infrastructure initiatives
proposed by other major powers in Southeast Asia, and (c) China’s questionable ability to deliver its BRI promises.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
182744
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), in terms of changes in trade costs on trade and consumer welfare in China, the EU, and the rest of the World. We employ a general equilibrium structural gravity approach and conduct a counterfactual analysis. Our key findings are as follows: (i) China and the EU are expected to make substantial gains from the BRI due to reductions in transport costs; (ii) signing and implementing a deep FTA between China and the EU is equivalent to transport cost reductions of 15–20%; (iii) the joint policy of the BRI and FTA is super-additive, magnifying the gains from the separate policies; and (iv) where transport cost reductions are 20% or more, the potential negative effect of the China-US trade war on China is more than compensated for by the BRI initiative. Our results provide evidence that the BRI has the potential to deliver significant welfare gains, particularly if combined with other trade integration schemes, and to counterbalance aggressive trade policies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
182985
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on China's foreign aid provision by analysing the ensuing transformation and challenges. With regard to transformation, impacts are evident in the increased significance of this aid in China's overall diplomatic project, the changes in development financing arrangements, the long-term vision in planning infrastructure engagement, and the shift towards multilateral cooperation and soft aid programmes. While the BRI has reshaped China's foreign aid in many aspects, the initiative has also posed challenges to the organisation and delivery of aid. The lack of transparency and the fragmented institutional arrangement of China's foreign aid are likely to limit the effectiveness of its aid engagement abroad. The rapid increase in lending to developing countries also raises the debt trap issue and discourse. Moreover, China faces challenges in engaging in partnerships with civil society groups and local communities in the host countries where "soft" programmes of cultural exchange and people-to-people connections are made. The article argues that the BRI is a double-edged sword, representing new opportunities for China's foreign aid while also posing challenges.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
178422
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Republic of Yemen (North Yemen) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established diplomatic relations in 1956, the first Arabian Peninsula country to recognise the PRC as the legitimate representative of the country. Yemen is a significant and strategically important state in the southern Arabian Peninsula bordering Saudi Arabia, Oman, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden within the Arabian Sea (Behbehani. 1985. China and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen). The geographical location of Yemen makes it an essential state for the PRC because it enables it an observation point over three regional trouble spots: the Gulf of Aden, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa. Thus, Yemen can become the bridge between Asia and Africa, and between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean, and a vital component of China’s Silk Road Strategy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could be used as a new driving force for the Sino-Yemen relationship, especially the integration between the state’s post-war reconstruction and the realization of the initiative.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
176245
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been regarded by international society as a major policy tool in China's geo-economic strategy. Under this policy platform, Beijing has pledged to invest billions of dollars in the infrastructure and industrial sectors across Eurasia and in the Indo-Pacific nations. It is widely believed that such huge amount of investment will inevitably generate significant geostrategic repercussions in these regions. In response to the BRI, the United States and other powers have come up with a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ strategy. This article attempts to address the following question: what impact is the BRI likely to have on the security ties between China and the other major players in the Indo-Pacific? The author finds that the BRI may significantly transform China's international security policy and the expansion of Beijing's security influence may further intensify the security competition between China and other major powers in the Indo-Pacific region. The article also proposes a new analytical angle for the study of geo-economics that unpacks the role of economic activities and processes in generating geopolitical intentions and catalysing geopolitical competition.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
174188
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Nationalism has been a crucial factor for the ruling Communist Party in legitimizing its rule in the country since communist revolution. The slogan of ‘China Dream,’ coined by the president Xi Zinping, seeks to retrieve lost territories and to achieve the glory of past days.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
175372
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Nationalism has been a perilous journey for China shaped by the historical factor of humiliation of great China by foreign powers. Recognizing China as a victim country is a core theme of Chinese edition of nationalism which accuses the imperial and colonist forces of 19th and 20th centuries for the loss of Chinese territory and its vanity. The people of China were full of pride and believed themselves as the epicenter of global politics until they faced setback in wars with Britain and Japan in the 19th century.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
166794
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In March 2013, a speech was given by Chinese president Xi Jinping in Astana, Kazakhstan, initiating the strategy of the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’. In November 2013, a further speech was given by President Xi in Jakarta, Indonesia, launching ‘the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road’. Both speeches combined marked the birth of the grand strategic vision of the fifth generation of Chinese Communist leadership. This vision is commonly referred to as the Belt and Road Initiative.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
156351
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Capitalism has intensified the rich-poor divide and power politics have led to great upheavals. The world is calling for new development concepts. The B&R has emerged as an answer. It embodies China's ideas on global development. however many difficulties and challenges lie ahead for the implementation of the B&R initiative.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
190743
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a China-led plan that involves infrastructure and construction projects in more than 140 countries, out of which 65 countries account for 30% of the world’s gross domestic product, 35% of the world’s trade, 39% of the global land, 64% of the world’s population, 54% of the world’s CO2 emissions and 50% of the world’s energy consumption (Du & Zhang, 2018, China Economic Review, 47, 189–205). The project announced in 2013 is often considered Chinese Premier Xi Jinping’s dream. It quickly grew in sectoral and geographical complexity from the Arctic to deep oceans, to Latin American countries, Africa and even collaborations in maritime and outer space. Nine years into the making, the project suffered disruption in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Travel restrictions and lockdowns led to suspension and slowdown in the project. However, the Chinese leadership continues to remain optimistic regarding the BRI and is opting for digital, health and sustainability models to keep the initiative running. The article analyses the strategic and economic significance of the BRI from its inception to now. It focuses on the impact of the pandemic on the BRI and stakeholders’ responses to the project, and looks into attempts by China to make it a success in the post-pandemic world.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
170383
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It has been over six years since the idea of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was first publicised. While the importance of BRI has been widely recognised, its impacts are wide-ranging and controversial. This article, by first reviewing existing studies, is a preliminary effort to assess the BRI's effect on China's trade development. The authors' analysis indicates that, six years after the initiative's implementation, the changes in China's trade relations with countries along the Belt and Road are limited, compared to those with other countries. Data has also shown that there are huge variations across regions within the Belt and Road countries in their trade relations with China. More in-depth studies are needed to enhance our understanding of the BRI's overall impacts.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
168129
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|