|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
186171
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
This study examines public attitudes toward China in Taiwan and Hong Kong. It finds that before 2019, a majority of people in Taiwan and Hong Kong held positive views about the future development of China. However, many of their positive views suddenly changed during the 2019–2020 period. Those two years witnessed several contingent events underlining political tensions across the Taiwan Strait, and between China and Hong Kong. In addition, this study shows that self-interest considerations and ideology-oriented factors have different effects on public attitudes toward China in Taiwan and Hong Kong. In Taiwan, both self-interest and ideology-oriented factors have significant impacts; in Hong Kong, only ideological factors, including local identity, party identification, and belief in democracy, have significant associations with public attitudes toward China.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
163449
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
United front work has played an important role in the history of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Since 2012, Xi Jinping has strengthened the united front system’s ecacy and further proposed formation
of a “great united front.” He holds that united front work’s essence is
“making friends,” in which regard the CCP under Xi has introduced a
new practice called “pairing-up.” It stipulates that local governments at
all levels must facilitate establishment of “friendly” relations between
members of Party committees and specific persons in charge of
so-called democratic parties to further implementation of united front
work. This new form of united front embodies “clientelistic state
corporatism.” We use the case of L City to analyze the united front
model of pairing-up, its eects and limitations, and the CCP’s social
control strategy
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
180461
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption drive, personnel reshuffles, and institutional overhauls seem to mark a turning point in Beijing’s long-running fight against ‘localism’ (difangzhuyi). Yet, key questions remain about the scope and effectiveness of efforts to rein in China’s subnational officials. Has the Xi administration effectively combated localism by appointing more outsiders to provincial leadership teams? Or have strengthened oversight institutions made subnational officials more responsive to the center regardless of their individual backgrounds? To address these questions, this article distinguishes between different types of localism in contemporary China and the varying personnel ‘risk factors’ underlying them. Comparing the makeup of provincial party standing committees under Xi Jinping’s 18th CPC Central Committee (2012–2017) with those from the 15–17th CPC Central Committees under Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao (1997–2012), the analysis finds that Xi has accelerated personnel changes to address multiple forms of localism. At the same time, gaps in governance outcomes between local cadres and outsiders have faded since 2012 in several domains, implying that Xi-era institutional reforms have also played a role in curbing localism. Even under Xi, however, important personnel risk factors for localism have persisted and in some domains local-outsider differences in governance outcomes have actually increased.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
159557
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Scholarship to date agrees that the internet has weakened the Chinese Party-state's ideological and discursive hegemony over society. This article documents a recent intervention into public discourse exercised by the Chinese state through appropriating and promoting a popular online catchphrase—"positive energy" (zheng nengliang). Analysing the "positive energy" phenomena using Laclau and Mouffe's theory of hegemony and discourse, the authors argue that the relative effectiveness of this hegemonic intervention rests on the semantic versatility of "positive energy", which enables "chains of equivalence" to be established between the label's popular meanings, on the one hand, and its propagandist meanings, on the other.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
161975
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
China’s science and technology (S&T) system has experienced significant reform in the Xi Jinping era. This article discusses the evolution, progress, problems and prospects of the reform. For a better understanding of the reform from a holistic perspective, we propose a conceptual framework distinguishing the national S&T system at the macro, meso and micro levels. This article pays particular attention to Xi’s views as guiding principles and the reorganisation of S&T administration at the macro level; the overhaul of the national S&T programmes at the meso level; and the rather ambivalent attitude towards budgeting and spending of funds for S&T projects, and the evaluation system at the micro level. The article also analyses the reform in the Chinese Academy of Sciences as a case study. It concludes with a discussion of the implications of the integration of “top-level design” and the “whole nation system” for the future of China’s S&T enterprise.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
145169
|
|
|
Publication |
New York, Beijing Mediatime Books Co. Ltd., 2015.
|
Description |
472p.hbk
|
Standard Number |
9781627741194
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058670 | 951.06/HSI 058670 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|