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| 1 |
ID:
170381
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| Summary/Abstract |
The "One Belt, One Road" (OBOR) initiative—Chinese President Xi Jinping's signature project and strategic master plan that promotes infrastructure connectivity with foreign countries—has been widely discussed in academia and the media since its launch in 2013. The OBOR's engagement in Southeast Asia is evident in terms of infrastructure development projects, economic and trade cooperation zones, port construction and industrial cooperation. This article explains the role Southeast Asia plays in the progress of the OBOR (now commonly known as the Belt and Road Initiative [BRI]) projects, which are also aligned with the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) connectivity master plan and domestic policies of individual ASEAN countries. Southeast Asia's significance in the BRI's development could be viewed from the following aspects: the geoeconomics and geopolitical consideration in the region, as well as the contribution to potential growth of China's internal industrial and economic development. However, China should review its model of investment—in terms of the nature of projects, form of cooperation and the domestic political development of ASEAN countries—as Southeast Asian countries have found Chinese practices and motivations questionable.
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| 2 |
ID:
177956
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This study examines whether nonstate actors can enhance social resilience to cope with extreme events by examining and comparing civil society’s responses to COVID-19 in China, Japan, and South Korea. The research has found that the civil society sector in each of these three countries played essential roles in combating the pandemic, either by reinforcing government-led efforts or by filling the institutional voids left by the government. Civil society actors in these countries have contributed to social resilience by donating money and medical supplies, providing imperative social services, disseminating needed information, and advocating for marginalized groups in society. This study provides timely information on how resources were mobilized by civil society to respond to COVID-19. Additionally, it shows how institutions in different countries have shaped civil society actors’ distinctive actions in the fight against COVID-19.
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| 3 |
ID:
146196
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| Summary/Abstract |
Military successes present war leaders with a choice between maintaining their existing aims and strategy and changing one or the other to extend their gains or make the war cheaper. “Staying the course” minimizes the risk of failure but also foregoes possible gains. Making a change increases the risk of failure but leaves nothing on the table. I argue that emotional responses—particularly contentment and joy—account for leaders’ preferences for changing or maintaining their approach to war. Joy, elicited by novel good news, makes change more likely because it leads to the derogation of risks and obstacles. Contentment, elicited by expected good news, tends to produce resistance to change. I substantiate my claims through World War II-era case studies from Japan and the United States.
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| 4 |
ID:
182906
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| Summary/Abstract |
US PRESIDENT Abraham Lincoln [purportedly] said: "America will never be destroyed from the outside. If we falter and lose our freedoms, it will be because we destroyed ourselves."1 It seems that the Americans have been faltering in recent years, wittingly or unwittingly making fateful mistakes that are having an ever-growing impact on the geopolitical situation of the US and the rest of the world. This is confirmed, in my view, by an analysis of certain key factors as well as the nature and possible repercussions of those mistakes stemming from shifts in the infrastructure of the modern world that pose closely interconnected internal and external existential challenges to the West in general and the US in particular...
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| 5 |
ID:
193197
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| Summary/Abstract |
Public trust in government can significantly determine the outcome of health policies in any society. Hence, studies have been gauging peoples’ level of trust in their governments’ commitment and capacity to win the fight against COVID-19. However, these studies have omitted religious leaders. This is despite the fact that religious leaders play key roles in the area of health in many societies. The present study, therefore, explored the opinions church leaders have about the credibility of the COVID-19 statistics and other government responses in Nigeria. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 18 church leaders drawn from Anglican, Catholic, and Pentecostal churches in Nigeria. A descriptive narrative approach was employed in the thematic organization and analysis of data. Findings show that only one participant expressed confidence in the credibility of the COVID-19 statistics and other government’s responses. The rest, with the exception of one participant who was uncertain, was distributed between those who believe the statistics and other government efforts are exaggerated and those who believe they are false. The study also found that denominational affiliation mattered with respect to the perceptions about the credibility of the COVID-19 statistics and other government responses. Implications of findings for policy and research are discussed.
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| 6 |
ID:
149534
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arbitral Tribunal’s award of 12 July 2016 was overwhelmingly in favour of the Philippines and denounced by China. Although the Republic of China (ROC, or Taiwan) was not a party to the arbitration, it was dragged into the proceedings, as the issue of the status and entitlements of Itu Aba — the largest geographical feature in the Spratly Islands, occupied by Taiwan and also known as Taiping Island — gained prominence in the course of the Tribunal’s deliberations.
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