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| 1 |
ID:
146690
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This article examines recent developments in China’s human rights dialogues, as well as how they have evolved over time, in order to explore the trends and challenges involved in the development of human rights cooperation. If China wishes to further enhance its reputation and the cooperation on human rights matters, its next significant step should be the ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In order to close the gap between China’s obligations and its achievements, China and its international partners must do more to enhance their commitment to human rights progress.
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| 2 |
ID:
146674
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With a carbon-constrained new normal that emissions of greenhouse gases can no longer be assumed to be costless, non-fossil fuels including hydro, nuclear, wind and solar power have witnessed fast growth in both production and consumption in China. In promoting the production of different low-carbon alternatives, the Chinese government has been adjusting its policy prioritisation from time to time in targeted growth scopes, subsidy amount, on-grid tariffs and other financial incentives for various low-carbon power sectors. China’s Five-Year Plans have been playing a vital role in engendering fierce competition within the low-carbon energy sector. Other variables, like adjustment of electricity tariffs, inherent geographical and meteorological advantages related to certain types of power generation, domestic supporting industries, technological competitiveness and environmental concerns, have also helped to reshape the low-carbon power market.
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| 3 |
ID:
146682
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This study presents the case study of a collective action against a proposed industrial waste-water disposal project in the city of Qidong, Jiangsu province in 2012 to explore the role of collective identity in the formation and mobilisation of environmental protests in contemporary China. It is suggested that collective identity articulated through protest is not just a static property of a certain group of people based on their history, culture and locality. Collective identity also works as a flexible framing strategy that can be pragmatically constructed or reconstructed by the discontents, as it interacts with the specific political context in the process of mobilisation.
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| 4 |
ID:
146694
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Globalisation has reached every corner of the world in the 21st century. Recognising this opportunity, China’s official education strategy, “The National Outline for Medium- and Long-Term Educational Reform and Development (2010–2020)”, proposed a series of policies to promote internationalisation of education, including attracting more international students to study in Chinese universities. Although international students can bring benefits to Chinese universities, they inevitably also increase costs. Does recruiting more international students actually influence the cost efficiency of Chinese universities? By employing the flexible fixed cost quadratic function to estimate economies of scale and scope in internationalisation, this article attempts to provide pilot answers to the question. The empirical results suggest that there are both economies of scale and economies of scope in recruiting international students. This suggests that Chinese high-level universities should recruit more international students to align with the national strategy.
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| 5 |
ID:
146675
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Ecological modernisation has evolved and shifted from a social theory to a political agenda that endeavours to tackle the environmental consequences of industrialisation. Drawing on primary information collected from interviews with provincial policy-makers, industrial managers and representatives of professional associations, the article analyses renewable energy deployment in two coastal provinces of China. Institutional configurations are also examined in order to understand whether coherent synergies between environmental and economic goals can be achieved. The article argues that the inteventionist, state-centric measures in the regional renewable energy sector represent a novel form of ecological modernisation distinguishable from the models that originated in Europe.
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| 6 |
ID:
146676
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This article starts from the essential differences between the effects of China’s guiding cases and precedents of the US Common Law system. Then, it makes a factual study of what guiding cases have achieved in relation to the well-known functions of case law, and finds that guiding cases similarly function to adapt law to social needs and strengthen judicial autonomy. Following that, it adopts a cost–benefit approach to analyse differences in relation to the realisation of those functions, and finds that they can be explained in that approach. It concludes with the understanding that guiding cases serve as a tool of the Supreme People’s Court of China, and that there are limitations to their functions and Chinese characteristics.
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| 7 |
ID:
146691
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In line with the opening up of Chinese society, a variety of policy adjustments have been undertaken to legitimise the voluntary service organisations (VSOs) that provide various services to the general public. This article applies the qualitative method in examining the legitimisation process of a faith-based VSO that has an international background, and aims to promote human rights and dignity. The findings indicate, first, that the VSO adopts rational compromise strategies, which include “doing rather than saying”, using the “right” words that are acceptable to the government, seeking common interests with the government and seeking common core values with the clients. Second, the compromise strategies help the VSO to achieve a formal legal status and enhance its organisational autonomy, including financial sustainability and independent power in personnel matters. Therefore, the aforementioned compromise approach is a new form of state–society interaction that may gradually facilitate the legitimisation of civil society.
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| 8 |
ID:
146685
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This article empirically investigates the role played by agglomeration economies as location determinants and provides explanations for the spatial distribution of foreign direct investment (FDI) in services in China from the perspective of regional characteristics. The generalised hypotheses on China’s FDI in services are tested utilising a panel data of 17 provinces and cities from 2000 to 2010. The results find evidence that agglomeration economies appear to be significant pull factors. Growth potential, purchasing power and development of service industry have significant positive effects. It is suggested that FDI in services is conducted to access domestic markets, rather than serve as an export platform. The analysis reveals that government intervention has a deterrent impact and makes agglomeration economies play a more important role in attracting FDI. Population density, labour quality and labour cost do not exert significant effects on FDI inflow in services.
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| 9 |
ID:
146678
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This article provides a nuanced understanding of various societal actors who work towards enhancing labour protection in contemporary China, which are labelled as “labour watchdogs”. Based on extensive field research between 2008 and 2012, the authors offer an analysis of labour watchdogs and their activities in Nanjing. Labour watchdogs complement formal enforcement by the labour bureaucracy and the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU); facilitate workers’ bottom-up legal activism; and put pressure on employers directly and indirectly to improve working conditions. This article shows that labour watchdogs have an unintended yet notable complementary effect on labour protection in China, a country that lacks an independent, strong labour movement.
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| 10 |
ID:
146688
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It is possible to distinguish between a “zone of immunity” for the freedoms of citizens created by the public contract of a liberal state’s constitution and a “zone of indifference” for the freedoms of the people created by a party-state’s policy preferences. Professor Tang Tsou first suggested this distinction. However, to the extent that the political leadership of a party-state is fundamentally committed to popular sovereignty, we can speak of a “zone of respect” for popular freedoms that lies between immunity and indifference. In contrast to the zone of immunity, the zone of respect does not acknowledge the legitimacy of opposition. In contrast to the zone of indifference, the zone of respect recognises and protects the legitimacy of diverse interests and opinions as a constitutional commitment rather than as a changeable policy commitment.
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