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| 1 |
ID:
146066
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to BP statistics, Iran has the world's largest reserves of natural gas and its fourth-largest reserves of oil. Its strategic geographic position makes it capable of supplying these resources to Europe, its Middle Eastern neighbors, and South and East Asian countries.1 Yet, the difficult geopolitical situation around its nuclear program and the poor management of its energy industry have prevented it from becoming a gas exporter to the European Union (EU).
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| 2 |
ID:
146065
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| Summary/Abstract |
In many countries, especially liberal democratic ones, military or defense doctrine is a public document made available to researchers. In the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to understandable concerns about potential American and Israeli aggression, comprehensive plans for using military forces, in both defensive and offensive operations, are classified. A presentation and analysis of Iran's military doctrine in a concise document is not available. One must reconstruct the whole from many small elements.
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| 3 |
ID:
146069
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| 4 |
ID:
146068
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| Summary/Abstract |
Energy relations between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan go back to the 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before Azerbaijan gained its independence, direct economic relations between the two were impossible. Once the leadership of Heyder Aliyev emerged as uncontested, however, the first energy agreement between the two countries was signed. Azerbaijan, with huge oil and gas reserves, began to present itself as a key ally in the European energy market, partly by retaining an interest in having a potential role in the southern gas corridor. At the same time, Iran — holding the largest natural-gas reserves in the world and the fourth-most-abundant proven oil reserves — has been planning to take its rightful share in the world energy market, primarily as a major natural-gas exporter.
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| 5 |
ID:
146064
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a long-running debate among scholars of international relations as to whether state behavior is more heavily influenced by systemic or domestic pressures. There is far less discussion, however, of the impact of these factors on the behavior of nonstate actors. This stems perhaps from an assumption that nonstate actors, by their very nature, have different priorities than states, and that system-level factors should therefore not matter very much. Their expressed goals are often the overthrow of a particular regime, the control of specific territory or (in practice if not in theory) victory over rival militias. None of these issues suggests that we should expect changes in regional realignment — rather than in the domestic political context — to shape their behavior. If militant organizations are concerned primarily with a local conflict, their alliance behavior, even at the regional and international levels, should be driven by an assessment of which alliances will help them further their goals
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| 6 |
ID:
146063
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent months, as Russia has stepped up its involvement in the Syrian civil war, there has been a flurry of analysis by Western observers of Moscow's possible objectives. On a spectrum of interpretations concerning Russian actions are claims that the Kremlin's main concern is ensuring the survival of the Assad regime. Others assume broader strategic foreign-policy goals, including no less than a “grand bargain” with the West over the Ukraine crisis and Moscow's re-admission into the club of Western nations.
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| 7 |
ID:
146067
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq, there has been increasing tension between the central government in Baghdad and the Erbil-based Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern part of the country. Although KRG President Masoud Barzani supported Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in the federal elections of 2010, the two sides have been in open conflict over energy projects within the semiautonomous Kurdish region. The KRG is a substate actor in regional relations whose international legal status has not yet been determined. It is important to note that any future determination will undoubtedly hinge on oil and gas resources. Maliki's administration has consistently argued that the Federal Oil Ministry has primary authority over Iraq's oil sector. The KRG has claimed independent authority over energy resources in the region, including the right to sign oil-field exploration and production contracts within its territory, govern oil fields, and export oil and natural gas.
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| 8 |
ID:
146061
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| Summary/Abstract |
On April 13, 2015, Mac Thornberry, a member of the U.S. House of Representatives and chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, introduced draft bill H.R.1735 — National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016.1 According to the committee's report on the bill, Section 1223 — Modification of Authority to Provide Assistance to Counter the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
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