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| 1 |
ID:
144565
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beijing’s new strategies toward Taiwan are informed by neo-functionalism derived from European experiences, assuming that economic integration will eventually lead to political accommodation and integration. Despite the surprising Sunflower Movement and the fiasco of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) in the 2014 local elections, Beijing will try its best to maintain the momentum of peaceful development of cross-Strait relations. Facing a brand new Taiwan that seems an oddity to the mainland, however, Beijing has adapted to ‘the new normal’ with a slower pace, refocusing on the economic and cultural issues. Whether or to what degree Beijing will change its asymmetric engagements with the two main parties on the island, however, is contingent upon whether the KMT and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) can reach a balance of power domestically and whether their policies toward the mainland converge rather than diverge. At any rate, Beijing is likely to pay more attention to ordinary people’s feelings about cross-Strait economic and cultural exchanges and consider quality of cross-Strait exchange as more important than quantity of activities.
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| 2 |
ID:
144567
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the mid-2000s, Beijing made a series of unilateral trade concessions with respect to agricultural trade with Taiwan. This move distressed the then incumbent party of the Republic of China, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), because Beijing’s offers might weaken the DPP’s rural support. This article offers the first empirical assessment of Beijing’s trade concessions. Using an original and highly disaggregate dataset at the township-product level, it examines what types of regions were more likely to be the beneficiary of the trade concessions, whether the concessions caused any production change, and the extent to which these changes undermined the DPP’s electoral support. It is found that while the benefit of tariff concession was not confined to pro-DPP regions, the townships that grew tariff-reduced products were no less likely to vote for the DPP. The result suggests a limit of Beijing’s economic enticement.
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| 3 |
ID:
144573
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This article assesses debates on state recentralization and economic rebalancing through a study of the photovoltaic (PV) industry. Based on empirical data and interviews, the authors examine different means and incentives of state support in this sector. First, in the context of the rise of PV firms (2001–2008), local government acquired a dominant role in supporting the sector. Second, against the backdrop of an industry downturn (2009–2013), this article demonstrates an advancing role of the central state in the industry. The authors thereby develop a nuanced perspective on the notions of recentralization and sectoral rebalancing. On the one hand, the government indeed utilizes its power to facilitate a rebalancing of the industry towards the domestic market. On the other, both recentralization and rebalancing efforts remain limited.
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| 4 |
ID:
144566
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| Summary/Abstract |
Employing national identity theories and survey data in Taiwan, this article explains national identity shift in Taiwan. Descriptively we find that most Taiwanese people reject being called ‘Chinese’ (zhongguoren) when asked about their national identity. However, they do not deny their ethnic and cultural Chinese identity. What they object to is being called Chinese nationals, especially this China which is internationally recognized as the People’s Republic of China. In other words, most Taiwanese people do not identify themselves with the mainland Chinese state even though they still associate themselves with the Chinese nation. It is also noted that there is no consensus with regard to national identity in Taiwan, since close to one third of the population still do not object to be called zhongguoren. The author’s analytical findings further confirm that external sovereignty-related factors are related to the Taiwanese national identity shift. Specifically, a changed state boundary, separation desire from mainland China, and recognition of Taiwan as a sovereign state, not the distinctive cultural reconstruction inside Taiwan, contribute to the national identity shift in Taiwan.
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| 5 |
ID:
144572
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sub-national governments in China have substantial responsibility for policy development as well as for direct implementation of circumscribed policy options set out by higher levels of government, and much policy discourse emphasizes the importance of sub-national flexibility and creativity in policy implementation. Discourses of government innovation aim to encourage local initiative in policy formulation and solving of systemically-important policy problems, and policy experimentation/innovation are increasingly credited as important elements of the Chinese government toolbox in managing reform. Recent studies have tended to treat experimentation/innovation as systemic phenomena, and there are few analyses of how local governments respond to central ‘experimental’ policy frameworks and develop locally- or systemically-useful policy solutions. Given concerns around the capacity of local governments, this is highly relevant in understanding how locally-generated policy relates to systemic reform. The article presents a case study of a low tech and ‘second best’ reimbursement mechanism developed sub-nationally under the New Cooperative Medical Scheme, China’s rural health insurance framework, and its spread and incorporation into national policy. It argues for the importance of local government development of ‘appropriate’ policy mechanisms (jizhi) as underpinning central reforms and system adaptation.
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| 6 |
ID:
144570
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| Summary/Abstract |
Today, with social protests a daily phenomenon in China, the Party-state’s survival hinges upon its institutional capacity to prevent, monitor, process information on, and overcome real and potential challenges. Over the past decade, the Communist Party has consistently stressed the critical importance of ‘stability preservation’ (weiwen) as central to ensuring the longevity of the authoritarian regime. Drawing upon intensive interviews and archival research, this article looks into the stability-preservation system in W County in North China. By exploring the institutional configuration, work mechanisms, daily activities and operational principles of the stability-preservation apparatus in the county, the author seeks to gain insight into the PRC regime’s mythical operations of ‘system maintenance’ and the ways in which the Party-state exerts control over society.
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| 7 |
ID:
144568
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| Summary/Abstract |
Via quantitative analysis and interviews, this article examines the credibility and sustainability of Beijing’s patronage policy towards Taiwanese business. The new finding is that the rise of economic nationalism and local protectionism in China is undermining and constraining Beijing’s patronage policy. Consequently, China’s rising economy does not deepen cross-Strait integration but rather crowds out Taiwanese business. Moreover, considering the growing influence of Chinese domestic constraints, this article attempts to provide a bilateral two-level game to grasp the new dynamics on cross-Strait relations under the new normal.
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| 8 |
ID:
144574
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This article, in the context of sovereignty, discusses problems put to China and the Vatican in their long course of negotiations (1987–) which aim at a reconciliation. China’s past experience in negotiating with major powers (US and Great Britain) are reviewed while the Vatican’s aim of negotiating a concordat is also explained. The societal factors from the current Chinese political landscape, including social unrest as well as the Taiwan factor, are reviewed to identify problems in the ‘Sino–Vatican negotiations’.
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| 9 |
ID:
144571
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paradox that the performance of China’s stock market has not matched the performance of China’s real economy has been puzzling. This article argues that one of the major causes of the poor performance of China’s stock markets is that ever since their establishment, China’s stock markets have been systematically politicized by the ruling party to promote its political agenda. The mantra of ‘socialism’ of the ruling party has turned the stock markets into a mere fund-raising vehicle largely for failing state-owned enterprises, with investors’ interests being only a secondary consideration. The regulation of stock markets is subject to the principle of maintaining one-party ruling. Such a systematic politicization of stock markets has caused some serious consequences for China’s stock markets and economic growth.
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| 10 |
ID:
144569
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article assesses stability maintenance (weiwen) as a means of conflict resolution in China. It argues that the resolution of local disputes in China, particularly outside cities, is now being influenced and facilitated by the discourse and practice of stability maintenance, rather than legal methods and traditional mediation processes. This conclusion adds to the existing academic views of stability maintenance, which have previously emphasized social control to the exclusion of almost all else, and suggests that stability maintenance-focused conflict resolution may have practical benefits to Chinese citizens, given the state’s withdrawal from legal conflict resolution methods and its ambiguous attitude towards mediation.
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