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ID:
175701
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on theories of international regimes and game theoretical approaches this article analyzes the level of overlap in national security strategies, seeking to explore the potential of convergence in security and defense cooperation in Europe post Brexit. It investigates two research questions: 1. What is the potential for future security cooperation in the Euro-Atlantic space post-Brexit? and 2. What areas are more prone to collaboration? The paper applies cluster analysis and a comparative design, using national security strategies as units of study. It finds that there is potential for future convergence between EU27 and the UK at the industrial level, in internal security matters and EU missions.
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| 2 |
ID:
158438
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Britain prepares to leave the European Union after the popular vote of June 2016, the government is embarking on the revision of foreign policy. Boris Johnson, or ‘just Boris’, has been entrusted with forging the new ‘Global Britain’ for the post-Brexit era and reinventing British economy around new relationships. Boris has a track record of misrepresenting and offending foreign peoples, leaders and countries. This article assesses the prospects for Africa in Johnson’s vision for ‘Global Britain’ as presented in his foreign policy speeches. The paper unpacks Johnson’s discursive construction of ‘Africa’ and inserts it into a broader historical and political context of British relations with Africa. It argues that, by constructing Africa as a ‘problem’ and offering liberal values as a condition for development, Johnson is continuing British imperial and post-colonial discourses of ‘developing’ or ‘civilizing’ Africa. In the post-Brexit world of a changing global balance of power, democratic conditionality serves to sustain and reproduce British forms of power and policies.
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| 3 |
ID:
147916
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| Summary/Abstract |
The interview with Nathalie Tocci starts out with the Brexit issue. Here, we fundamentally agree with the argument that it would have been pointless to postpone publication of the Global Strategy. Timing may indeed be particularly relevant to PR exercises and media campaigns, but we expect much more from this particular document than just sending a set of well packaged messages to the public. The Global Strategy – even more than its 2003 predecessor – ought to become the pillar for consensus-building among the member states on a vast array of interconnected risk assessments, tasks and policies. As such, the document is a starting point and a platform for developing more detailed and sectoral policy documents. It is obvious that the Brexit vote (which, we should recall, does not constitute the UK’s instant exit from the Union) cast a new light on the whole edifice of the EU’s foreign and security policy; yet, the rationale for a comprehensive analysis of the EU’s options is clearly there, just as it was before 23 June.
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