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| 1 |
ID:
147603
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the Chinese government’s evolving policies toward the emerging global norm of ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P). While its principle of non-interference persists, Beijing has gradually acknowledged the responsibility to respond to humanitarian catastrophes in certain circumstances. Meanwhile, to ensure the concept’s limited application and reducing the instances where it might breach state sovereignty, Beijing actively participated in relevant debates to shape R2P in a direction that gives primacy to capacity-building and preventative measures. After examining how China engaged with the R2P in the recent crises in Darfur, Libya and Syria, the article argues, perceived threat from R2P upon its regime security explains Beijing’s continued efforts to constrain the norm’s development, while its aspiration for a status of responsible power encourages the Chinese government to engage with R2P more actively and flexibly. The case of R2P thus sheds new light on the complex interactions between China and the evolving global order.
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| 2 |
ID:
147601
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s tough response to North Korea’s first nuclear test in 2006 raised expectations in the US, South Korea and Japan that Beijing might align its North Korea policy with the international community. Similar expectations were raised (and unmet) following North Korea’s second nuclear test in 2009, the Cheonan sinking and Yeonpyeong Island shelling in 2010, a third nuclear test in 2013, numerous missile tests and military provocations in 2014–2015, and a fourth nuclear test and long-range missile test in early 2016. Many scholars and policymakers maintain that Beijing’s rationales for supporting Pyongyang are crumbling. This article argues that Chinese traditional worldviews and strategic thought remain motivating concepts for Beijing’s policy on North Korea. China’s norms in its near abroad—beliefs about stability, siege mentality, due deference and Confucian reciprocity—explain phases in Beijing’s policy on North Korea and why the Chinese approach does not change as much as external observers hope or expect.
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| 3 |
ID:
147604
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At the Third Plenary of the 18th Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, the Party announced a number of rural reforms. Commentators were quick to pronounce a win for farmers’ land rights. However, the broader commitment of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to deepening economic liberalization raises the question: can these reforms protect farmers’ rights in the event of land acquisition? The author draws on fieldwork, recent interviews and China’s documented history of land acquisition practice to identify four risks posed by these reforms: undervaluation, elite capture, exploitation and the expansion of the urban underclass. The article concludes that China’s steadfast resolve to expand capitalism in rural China is undermining its attempts to secure rural property rights.
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| 4 |
ID:
147610
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses Sino–Indian relations from the alternative and under-engaged lens of hedging, as opposed to the more conventional balancing and bandwagoning dichotomy. It analyzes why and how, despite the general stable state of and progress in Sino–Indian relations, Delhi has pursued a hedging strategy against China. Under the present Modi administration, India has not deviated markedly from its traditionally prudent foreign policy approach towards China. Yet, there have been discernible changes and, arguably, the main departure from the previous government’s policy is a matter of degree: a more consolidated hedging component combined with a more robust engagement policy towards China. Like several countries in the Indo–Pacific confronted with the rise of China, India remains strategically ambivalent about China.
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| 5 |
ID:
147606
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| Summary/Abstract |
Does network technology weaken the ability of authoritarian regimes to govern their citizens? Arguments and discussion regarding this proposition can be found in existing studies. Scholars who support this point of view believe that certain developments in network technology led to the outbreak of the Jasmine Revolution in Arab countries in 2011. This chain of rebellions provides an obvious and affirmative example of this theory. However, as far as Chinese research is concerned, an ever-increasing number of scholars are of the opinion that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has gradually mastered control of network technology. They believe the CCP actually employs the technology to strengthen its ability to govern Chinese society. This article discusses the CCP’s techniques of public opinion control in the context of new technology networks, and points out that the CCP has manifested the essence of a networked authoritarian regime, thus achieving the purpose of authoritarian consolidation.
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| 6 |
ID:
147607
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The rise and fall of public intellectuals in contemporary China is essentially attributed to the ever changing state–society relations. The author demonstrates that some Chinese public intellectuals have developed a new strategy to promote policy changes in the Hu–Wen era through civic activism in the name of ordinary citizens, by abandoning their traditional capacity as experts or intellectuals. The article summarizes three specific actions of civic activism, namely, ‘petition for constitutionality review as citizens’, ‘provisional voluntary citizen groups’ and ‘netizen public welfare enterprises’. Cases have been studied to demonstrate that the policy entrepreneurship of public intellectuals in civic activism can be manifested as innovation and strategies that challenge the lacunae between policy and existing institutions.
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| 7 |
ID:
147605
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Based on an empirical fieldwork study in a central-south municipal city in China, this article discusses the contestation between land-lost farmers and local government in the process of urbanization and land expropriation, focusing on the land-lost farmers’ responses to this process. After a discussion of land-lost farmers’ reasons for discontent and their actions, it is argued that such a contestation is an interaction where land-lost farmers tend to lay claim to their legitimate morality while local government lays claim to its legitimate authority, through the institutional approach of an appeal system provided by the state. The truth is that not only do both sides of the contestation have to rely on the power conferred by the central state, but also they constitute an interdependent local network.
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| 8 |
ID:
147608
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Scholars associate high tides of petitioning Beijing with changes in the central leadership and decreases of petitioning Beijing with the coercion and bribery tactics used by local officials. Yet it remains a mystery why some regions have a larger amount of petitions to Beijing than others. This article analyzes a unique dataset on petitioning Beijing in one province in 2004 and finds that the level of development is a significant factor in predicting the frequency of petitioning Beijing at the county level. Another unique analysis of petitions filed to the Ministry of Civil Affairs Xitong across 31 provincial regions supports the above finding, which may be generalized to petitioning at all levels of government.Scholars associate high tides of petitioning Beijing with changes in the central leadership and decreases of petitioning Beijing with the coercion and bribery tactics used by local officials. Yet it remains a mystery why some regions have a larger amount of petitions to Beijing than others. This article analyzes a unique dataset on petitioning Beijing in one province in 2004 and finds that the level of development is a significant factor in predicting the frequency of petitioning Beijing at the county level. Another unique analysis of petitions filed to the Ministry of Civil Affairs Xitong across 31 provincial regions supports the above finding, which may be generalized to petitioning at all levels of government.
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| 9 |
ID:
147609
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that as opposed to the conventional wisdom of Japan’s hedging policy, Japan has been constantly taking balancing behavior vis-à-vis China since the end of the Cold War; however, the incremental shift to explicit balancing began after the 2010 Senkaku Boat Collision Incident. The shift was accelerated by the 2012 Japanese Government Purchase of the Senkaku Islands. Since then, Japan has attempted to engage in both internal and external balancing by taking more security burden-sharing with the United States through the relaxation of Japan’s constitutional and political constraints on its military capabilities and the enhancement of security linkages with other regional states, such as Australia and India.
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| 10 |
ID:
147602
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| Summary/Abstract |
Spatial planning is considered as an important governance instrument to cope with uncoordinated regional problems. This article explores the underlying rationale and mechanisms of spatial planning in provincial China through a case study of the Jiangsu region along the Yangtze River (JSYR) plan. It reveals that the practice of the JSYR plan reflected the changing strategic expression of the provincial government on regional development and was shaped by the contests between provincial and municipal governments. The planning policies and provincial economic and political mobilizations formed as a spatial policy framework that promoted plan implementation at the municipal level. The plan achieved development goals of overall economic growth and infrastructural construction, but it was ineffective regarding development control and regional coordination. The case study also sheds light on the dynamic relationship between provincial and municipal governments, and the structural problems of spatial governance under economic decentralization and political centralization in China.
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