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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
168847
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| Summary/Abstract |
Tunisia’s 2018 municipal elections, in which a legislated quota was implemented and women won 47 percent of seats, raises questions about whether electing female councilors improves women’s representation in clientelistic settings. Using data from the Local Governance Performance Index (LGPI), an original survey of 3,600 Tunisians conducted in 2015 by the Program on Governance and Local Development (GLD), this article investigates the relationship between local councilors’ gender and women’s access to help with personal or community issues. Three findings emerge. First, male citizens are thirteen percentage points more likely than female citizens to know a local councilor and six percentage points more likely to have contacted a councilor for help. This offers evidence of greater network homosociality for club goods than personal requests. Second, citizens of both genders are twice as likely to contact a councilor of the same gender when asking for help with community problems. Finally, electing females increases women’s access to councilors, due to network homosociality—that is, denser personal networks with others of the same gender—but has a limited impact on men’s access because female councilors have more heterosocial networks. By showing that electing and appointing women improves service and allocation responsiveness to females, the results call attention to the need to address gender equity issues when drafting electoral laws and implementing decentralization laws.
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| 2 |
ID:
149365
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why hasn’t the marked increase in women in politics over the last half century led to the expected results of increased gender equality and more democracy? In order to propose a new answer to this question, which is central for both theoretical and empirical feminist political science, I look at the case of Putin’s Russia as one of the authoritarian-leaning regimes that have promoted women into politics while simultaneously becoming more misogynist. Building on feminist institutionalism and the study of Russia’s regime dynamics, both of which are extending the study of informal institutions, I claim that women are being fast-tracked into politics informally, not just formally such as by party or legislative quotas. Yet these women are then boxed in by informal rules and by parallel institutions and posts, with virtually no opportunities to advocate for women’s interests. Putin’s regime has promoted women to be “stand ins” during times of crisis or change, “loyalists” and “showgirls” when the regime needs to showcase elections and representation, and “cleaners” when the appearance of corruption threatens the regime. Even demonstrations of ultimate loyalty have not protected those women who once advocated for feminist policies. This exercise in concept building suggests a framework for thinking about the importance and operation of informal institutions, sustained by gendered and homophobic rules, as a bulwark of male dominance that undermines women’s representation. There are also important policy implications, as advocates have been pushing for more women in politics to address a variety of ills that, my analysis suggests, will not be solved by numbers alone.
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| 3 |
ID:
181946
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| Summary/Abstract |
Gender has become a prominent issue in political science research. However, most research has focused on women in legislative roles, while only some discussed women in powerful executive positions, particularly in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Therefore, this paper aims to fill this gap by investigating the correlation between gender socialization and women’s representation in foreign policy, which remains relatively understudied. A case study will be explored to discuss the impact of gender socialization in post-authoritarian Indonesia on women’s representation in Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The case of Indonesia is interesting as significant improvements in women’s representation has been achieved, and the paper argues that gender socialization has been an important driver of this. However, despite such strides, cultural barriers still hamper women from having effective representation within foreign policy.
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| 4 |
ID:
187043
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the inclusion of Colombian women in the Havana Dialogues with FARC through the theoretical lens of political representation. It chooses representation over the vaguer notion of inclusion to further politicize this debate. Since women’s inclusion is recognized as a major achievement of the process, the article attempts to reframe the discussion by enquiring whether Colombian women were represented in the process, and, if yes, which women and how. It argues that women’s inclusion was possible due to their multilevel articulation and a reluctant and diffuse representative dynamic bringing together female negotiators, the Gender Sub-commission and women’s movements.
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| 5 |
ID:
178862
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indian leaders and women’s organisations wanted to ensure that women would participate in and be elected to the legislatures in India’s first elections. Ultimately, however, only a small number of women were selected as candidates, and even fewer were elected to the legislatures. This article explores some of the mechanisms and ways in which this gap emerged in relation to the registration, representation and participation of women in the run-up to and during India’s first elections. In pursuing these three lines of inquiry, the article aims to shed light on the ways in which women related to and appropriated the notion of popular authorisation of the government, and what was their role, in this regard, in democratic state-building during the early days of the republic.
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| 6 |
ID:
175274
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| Summary/Abstract |
The leading explanation for the underrepresentation of women in American politics is that women are less likely to run for office than men, but scholars have given less attention in recent years to the gender makeup of the pipeline to elected office. We examine the gendered pipeline to power across three potential candidate pools: lower-level officeholders, those named in newspapers as likely candidates, and lawyers who made political contributions. We find some evidence that women are less likely to seek elected office; however, the dearth of women in the pipeline plays a much greater role in the lack of women candidates. For the gender disparity in candidates to close, women have to be far more likely to run for office than men, particularly on the Republican side. Our results highlight the need to consider the gendered pipeline to power alongside rates of entry in studies of women’s underrepresentation.
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