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| 1 |
ID:
163449
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| Summary/Abstract |
United front work has played an important role in the history of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Since 2012, Xi Jinping has strengthened the united front system’s e cacy and further proposed formation
of a “great united front.” He holds that united front work’s essence is
“making friends,” in which regard the CCP under Xi has introduced a
new practice called “pairing-up.” It stipulates that local governments at
all levels must facilitate establishment of “friendly” relations between
members of Party committees and specific persons in charge of
so-called democratic parties to further implementation of united front
work. This new form of united front embodies “clientelistic state
corporatism.” We use the case of L City to analyze the united front
model of pairing-up, its e ects and limitations, and the CCP’s social
control strategy
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| 2 |
ID:
121251
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Stability preservation (??, weiwen) has been a core policy of the Chinese
communist government for the last two decades. China is the only major
country in the contemporary world to have set up stability preservation
offices at all levels of government alongside the normal administrative
institutions for social control. These offices are mainly staffed by the
existing personnel of the security apparatus, who in turn exercise control
over people and the propaganda apparatus, who exercise control over
information. The consequences of the stability preservation policy and
the "system of stability preservation" (????, weiwen tizhi) are widely
reported in the media, but the academic community is still in the initial
stages of understanding the process of this unique phenomenon in China
(Sandby-Thomas 2011; Shambaugh 2000; Social Development Research
Group 2010; Sun 2009; Yu 2009). Why has the Chinese government
pursued this policy? Is stability preservation in China a conventional
issue of "law and order"? Are the policy and institutions of stability
preservation effective in providing social and political stability? What are
the implications of these special arrangements for China and the Chinese
communist regime in the long run?
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| 3 |
ID:
081081
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| Publication |
New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers, 2008.
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| Description |
xli, 527p.
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| Standard Number |
9781412806718
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 053187 | 303.34/SAL 053187 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
044292
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| Publication |
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1969.
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| Description |
x, 341p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 003589 | 301/MCI 003589 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
032090
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| Publication |
Cambridge, MIT Press, 1979.
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| Description |
xiii, 238p.
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| Standard Number |
0262030683
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 018395 | 301.15/CHO 018395 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
065343
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 2006.
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| Description |
xvii, 366p.
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| Standard Number |
0195181786
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050062 | 303.6/FRY 050062 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
129268
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This issue is a collection of twelve documents on the policies in Xinjiang. These policies can be grouped into four categories: economic inducements, ideological indoctrination, cultural assimilation, and social control. Economic inducements are provided on the assumption that economic growth will benefit the ethnic minorities. Satisfied materially, their tendency to resist is weakened. Ideological indoctrination has the power to cultivate political identification with the regime of China through an official narrative of historical view and the contribution of the regime to the economic and social development of Xinjiang. Cultural assimilation is to integrate Uighurs culturally with the Han-dominated Chinese culture through education. Social control is to establish a coercive system for preventing subversion and punishing the secessionists in order to weaken the will to resist.
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| 8 |
ID:
161568
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper discusses the Xinfang institution of petitions (letters and visits) and explores the ways in which the Chinese Communist Party regime utilizes social control mechanisms to identify, oversee, and suppress socially discontented people with grievances in the post-Mao market reform era. This public-facing institution for managing participation and rightful resistance, which aims to oversee local officials and redress mass grievances, also plays an unexpected role in social control. Unlike the social control exercised by police patrols in police states, Xinfang functions first as a “fire alarm” in this authoritarian regime; then, if necessary, as a selective “police patrol,” collecting information on discontented people with grievances, monitoring them, quelling and even preempting their protests, and referring dangerous petitioners to higher levels of government to prevent disruption in politically critical regions. This argument is supported with a detailed institutional analysis of the nationwide structure of Xinfang and several case studies of Xinfang’s multi-layered response to petitioners to Beijing, during the Falun Gong incidents in 1999 and 2000 in particular. Several complementary case studies on the behavior of local petition mechanisms and statistical evidence are also analyzed.
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| 9 |
ID:
049250
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| Publication |
London, Pluto Press, 2003.
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| Description |
vii, 176p.
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| Standard Number |
0745319947
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047242 | 363.252/BAL 047242 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
025578
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| Publication |
London, I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 1989.
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| Description |
xiii, 299p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
1850431256
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031156 | 952.048/THO 031156 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
151252
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even during the Kim Jong Un era, the rationing system of North Korea has not yet been recovered. In addition, the thought control system has been weaker than during the Kim Jong Il era. The Kim Jong Un regime stays in power mainly by strengthening political and social control by law enforcement agencies (including police and intelligence agencies). However, there is a lacuna in the control of governmental authority in that giving bribes to public officials enables people to avoid the control. In 2016, social control was strengthened in a situation in which DPRK`s economy cannot be improved due to the sanctions imposed by the UN on it. This will exacerbate the instability of the Kim Jong Un regime. Although the unstable factors during the Kim Jong Un era have increased, it is hard to say that those factors will lead to contingency in North Korea under current conditions. Firstly, a change of people`s consciousness in North Korea is insufficient to bring about a change in its system. Secondly, it is difficult to mobilize and organize the people`s discontent over the Kim Jong-un regime due to the strict control by law enforcement agencies. Thus, a change in the social control system is necessary for fundamental system change in North Korea. To do this, not only further economic sanctions on North Korea and inflow of external information, but also, a lot of pressure especially focused on the North Korean Human Rights Act are required.
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| 12 |
ID:
180528
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| Summary/Abstract |
In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping’s signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being superseded in domestic political importance by a campaign to “Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil (2018–2020).” On the surface, the campaign to Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil is an anti-crime campaign that focuses on the “black and evil forces” of organized crime and their official protectors, but its scope extends well beyond the ganglands to target a wide range of social and political threats to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Drawing on interviews with government officials, police and citizens as well as analysis of policy documents, this paper argues that the campaign is a populist initiative designed to bolster CCP legitimacy and serve as a mechanism of social control. Like the Chongqing prototype that inspired it, however, the campaign harbors a dark side that could undermine the contemporary Chinese social contract in which people are willing to sacrifice personal freedoms in exchange for security and material benefits.
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| 13 |
ID:
178117
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| Summary/Abstract |
The twenty-first century is marked by the rise of new forms of authoritarianism, many of which are characterized by the ‘paradox of restraint’, in which reforms compliant with the rule of law are used to unshackle the ruler's arbitrary power. Despite a proliferation of scholarly studies on this topic, we still have limited understanding of how national-level authoritarian power reaches ordinary citizens in these contexts. This article identifies the performance of militarized masculinities as an understudied mechanism that does so. It offers two main contributions: first, it highlights how performances of militarized masculinities enact the paradox of restraint through gendered idioms, thereby magnifying the ambiguities of modern authoritarianism and diffusing them at a local level. Second, it recasts the conceptual utility of militarized masculinities, showing that the concept's inherent tensions between ordered discipline and unaccountable violence produce and project authoritarian power, giving militarized masculinities special potency as a mode of social discipline in these contexts. The article draws on feminist International Relations, employing grounded ethnographic research to illustrate how national-level power circulates locally. To do so, it first illustrates the relationship between the paradox of restraint and militarized masculinities using the cases of Putin's Russia and Duterte's Philippines. It then turns to an in-depth case study of a local dispute between soldiers and civilians in Museveni's Uganda to trace how gendered local encounters facilitate the transmission of national-level authoritarian power into the lives of ordinary people.
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| 14 |
ID:
026488
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| Publication |
New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.
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| Description |
x, 366p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012345 | 301/MEL 012345 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
033250
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| Publication |
New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972.
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| Description |
122p.
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| Standard Number |
003085330
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 009493 | 362.50973/LUB 009493 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
129099
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scalar relations have been restructured in the contemporary capitalism. in post-reform China. many scalars are transformed and constructed with the transition from state socialism to market economy. This article examines the process of rescaling state power from the perspective of politics of scale. using a case of province-jading-city reform in Jiangsu province. By examining the role of government at various levels in the province-leading-city reform. it is argued that the province-leading-city reform is a rescaling of state power. involving up-scaling and down-scaling of powers. Due to power reshuffling in the rescaling process. there are intense power struggles among scalars in both vertical and horizontal dimensions. With the deepening process of globalization. marketization. and decentralization. China's cities and regions have undergone dramatic economic and political restructuring since the late l970s. There emerges consider-
able acidotic and policy interests in China's changing urban and regional governance after the launch of economic reforms and open-door policy. especially after 2000.' On the urban scale. China's changing
governance has been the focus of previous studies? By cautiously borrowing Western urban theories. such as urban regime. growth coalition. and entrepreneurial city. scholars have argued that transitional China shares stone similarities with Western societies, but there are still differences in urban governance due to a strong government or tight social control."
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| 17 |
ID:
091503
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
xi, 209p.
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| Series |
Routledge advances in international relations and global politics
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| Standard Number |
9780415485296
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054514 | 323.6/NYE 054514 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
024647
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| Publication |
New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc, 1973.
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| Description |
xi, 371p.
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| Standard Number |
0138157618
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012125 | 303.6/OBE 012125 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
037616
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| Publication |
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1971.
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| Description |
x, 237p.
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| Standard Number |
0226740954
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 008739 | 303.33/SCO 008739 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
043560
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| Publication |
New York, Praeger Publishers, 1989.
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| Description |
vii,224p.Hardbound
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| Standard Number |
0275931765
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 032349 | 364.951/TRO 032349 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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