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| 1 |
ID:
151119
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), founded in 1967, has proved to be one of the most successful regional organisations, whose example as a model is often cited when similar ideas are floated elsewhere. Started initially with five core members, it subsequently expanded to the present ten countries as members of the organisation. The primary focus in the initial phase of its existence was on economic cooperation. In the subsequent years, it started embracing security/strategic issues and threats to non-traditional security keeping in tune with changing times. The latest in this journey is the founding of the ASEAN Economic Community, which was established in 2015. This essay examines its evolution, performance and some of the challenges confronting the organisation and what future holds for it.
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| 2 |
ID:
151126
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Year 2017 is of great significance as India and ASEAN would observe 25 years of their Dialogue Partnership, 15 years of Summit Level Partnership and five years of Strategic Partnership.1 India has been envisaging a multi-faceted relationship with ASEAN2 and has always aspired for a full membership of the regional economic group.
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| 3 |
ID:
151128
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| Summary/Abstract |
As global geo-politics pivots to East, the emerging scenario offers good prospects as well as tough challenges because both India and the US are competing with each other to steal the show in the East against the backdrop of remarkable economic progress, though the rising expansionist-militarist and assertive policies of China and the discriminatory policies pursued by the US in the region are the some of the serious concerns as regards peace and stability of the region. Being closely connected with the East Asia, India has also been pursuing the region under its Look East Policy since early 1990’s which has now evolved into a comprehensive strategic engagement and robust security architecture. But instead of playing competing roles, both should jointly contribute towards the common cause of promoting peace, prosperity and security of the region.
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| 4 |
ID:
151124
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| Summary/Abstract |
An idea and the reality encapsulating that idea have circular relation. Both follow each other and strengthen or weaken each other depending upon the level of congruence between the idea and reality. Though, survival of any new idea depends on this congruence, the idea has always a message and indicates a trend. The idea of ‘Indo-Pacific’ is a decade old, but it continues to evolve and strengthen as it represents a geo-strategic and geo-economic reality of our time. It replaced the notion of AtlanticPacific, which has been a dominant strategic framework with underlying political and economic significance for nearly half century after the end of cold war.
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| 5 |
ID:
151129
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| Summary/Abstract |
The centre of gravity of global opportunities and challenges are shifting to the Indo-Pacific region from the Pacific-Atlantic. Explicitly identifying the region as a geostrategic priority for the US within the framework of the ‘pivot to Asia’ policy, the Obama administration shifted focus to the region across a wide range of issue areas. This policy may be viewed in the context of the burst of the myth of economic invincibility of the Western world in the aftermath of the global economic meltdown of 2008.
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| 6 |
ID:
151133
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| Summary/Abstract |
Global power shifts are strategically and politically significant. It tends to displace or restructure existing international order. The global strategic, political and financial structures have been dominated by the U.S. and Europe. Asia remained dominated by European colonization for two centuries and was there after dominated by the U.S. strategically for one more century. Asia’s economic resurgence and cumulative financial strengths over the last two decades have substantially contributed to the global shift of power to Asia.
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| 7 |
ID:
151125
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| Summary/Abstract |
India is no more an emerging power rather it has already been regarded as an emerged power. Its careful handling of economic diplomacy would fetch her more strength to advance as a major power. Its successful engagement with the Asia-Pacific region holds the key. With the support of the US and Japan along with the ASEAN countries, India is likely to tackle the challenges coming from China. India should also know how to engage China tactfully and diplomatically as China remains as a hurdle for India in all her endeavours and aspirations to grow in the international stage.
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| 8 |
ID:
151131
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| Summary/Abstract |
The region of Indo-Pacific can develop into a prolific geo- economic zone if each of the three nations- India, US and China mitigate the risk of the escalating conflict and initiate a fine balance by maintaining clarity, transparency, mutual trust and unambiguous communication free of misperceptions.
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| 9 |
ID:
151134
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the rise of a new geopolitical universe and proposes India to leverage its true potential in this emerging geo-strategic matrix through a comprehensive, integrated and carefully calibrated roadmap. The paper also discusses the emergence of the Indo-Pacific matrix from the Asia Pacific matrix, the capitalising of the transforming global image of India and an analysis of the various variables and developments in the global geopolitical multiverse that could have a direct impact on the Indo-Pacific matrix.
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| 10 |
ID:
151130
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and Japan share a common goal of preserving stability of the seas. India- Japan partnership assumes more significance in the backdrop of rising concerns on policy issues under Donald Trump’s Presidency in the USA. USA has already withdrawn from Trans-Pacific partnership Agreement. In the eventuality of USA pulling out of Asia, India and Japan have to engage further to deal with the emerging regional scenario. Without the ‘pivot of Asia’, India and Japan have to revisit their respective regional policies.
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| 11 |
ID:
151122
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| Summary/Abstract |
The trade between India and Vietnam is estimated to be 8$ billion targeted 15$ billion by 2020, whereas Sino-Vietnam trade has already reached $ 95.82 billion in 2015. The bilateral trade between China and ASEAN have reached $472 billion in 2015, which is over six times than that of India’s trade with ASEAN. The Chinese presence in the region is wide and deep. India and the US joint ventures need to work out a long term strategy which must not be limited to military and strategic; it has to scale up economic ties as well. It must succeed to dismantle excessive dependence on China, especially sourcing raw materials.
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| 12 |
ID:
151127
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| Summary/Abstract |
The shift in global economic power from the West to East and the evolving geostrategic importance of the Indo-Pacific region has added new dynamics in Indo-U.S. relations. It paves the way for both cooperation and competition among the so called established and emerging powers in the region. While there is economic convergence, the geostrategic uncertainties make the whole region full of challenges and opportunities as well. The US rebalance, conflict and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and non-traditional threats in the region are of great implications for Indo-U.S. relations. The United States has been deeply engaged in the region – militarily, economically, and diplomatically during World War II and throughout the Cold War.
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| 13 |
ID:
151121
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indo-Pacific region is not simply a geographical entity but a social construction characterised by intense engagement, shared institutional frameworks and cultural commonalities. The maritime geography has replaced the Atlantic as the nerve centre of economic, political, security and diplomatic interactions without transposing US preeminence ensuring a regional identity for India. Discharging responsibilities as a regional power is difficult for India in view of rising competition and protectionist policies of several affluent economies. Even so India has contrived to brace the challenges since the last decade which it needs to sustain for its triumphal entry into the emerging Asian Century.
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| 14 |
ID:
151136
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| Summary/Abstract |
In sum we can say that the majority of the nations are not really interested in being a part of the SOP as it is having a negative impact among the nations. But they really wanted to maintain good relations with China and India. The relations they are still continuing with China are purely business oriented. They are not only seeking assistance.
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| 15 |
ID:
151123
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the serious challenges mentioned above, both Japan and ASEAN have largely been able to boost their cooperative ties. However for robust JapanASEAN ties in the future, much more vigorous efforts need to be made by them. While continuing its development projects in Southeast Asia, Japan needs to continue assuaging the ASEAN states’ concern over the former’s possible intention of economic domination over the region. Despite China’s hard stance over territorial disputes in East China Sea and South China Sea, Japan should join hands with the other ASEAN member states in resolving the disputes with China peacefully.
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| 16 |
ID:
151120
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a nutshell, the Indo-Pacific vis-à-vis India’s location at the centre of Asian landmass straddling the Indian Ocean underscores India’s expanding the geopolitical sphere of interest and a new strategic aspiration to influence its evolution, despite some degree of reservation at various levels in India over the concept of “Indo-Pacific” as an American construct against China and as an element of offensive feature against China. As an emerging geostrategic and geoeconomic concept in the field of defence and security studies, the Indo-Pacific region has given credence to the understanding of a geopolitical reality rather than a geographic one. Indo-Pacific has much relevance for India in pursuit of its “Act East” policystrategies for forging trans-regional strategic partnerships and economic cooperation on win-win situation.
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| 17 |
ID:
151118
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indo-Pacific has acquired significance in India’s foreign policy in recent times. India’s such efforts can be visualized through its policy initiatives in terms of ‘look east’; ‘extended neighborhood’ and ‘Act Asia’ policies. Besides, India’s joining of inter-regional and multilateral groupings like ASEAN, BIMSTEC, IORA, ARF, EAS etc. are manifestation of its changed thrust. But to be a power of consequence in the region, India need to become a ‘smart power’ – a combination of its ‘soft power’ and ‘hard power’ capabilities – to manifest its demonstrative capabilities. For realization of such goal, India need to reorient its diplomacy in the form of its enhanced domestic strength, along with creating balances in the activities of major outside power in the region vis-àvis strength of the states of this region. Thus, Indo-Pacific has huge potential for India’s policy; but it requires significant domestic and external responsibilities to actualize such initiatives.
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| 18 |
ID:
151132
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper would focus on twenty-first century maritime silk route poser in between China and India. Beijing as a rising economic super power in the world is pronounced as a complicated feature of the Twenty-first century. The economic rise of China put pressure on Beijing’s leadership to secure its economic growth and hegemonic power position in the region. Therefore, Beijing strategically gear up its military modernisation and weapon procurement policy. The main focus is on naval development and regional connectivity through the newly initiated Silk Road and twentyfirst century maritime silk route projects, which makes big powers like US, Japan, and India suspicious about the intention of China.
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| 19 |
ID:
151135
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| Summary/Abstract |
The dispute over the South China Sea (SCS) dates back to over a long period, having several countries claiming territorial and maritime jurisdictions over the islands, reefs and banks of the Sea with overlapping counter claims by the countries encircling it. The dispute is associated with claims over the Spratly Islands, Paracel Islands and the Gulf of Tonkin and the reefs and banks along the SCS. In addition, there are also non-claimant nations that want the SCS to be international waters having the freedom of navigation.
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