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ID:
152125
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| Summary/Abstract |
The argument of the moral economy of mines claims to illuminate the consent and associational power of mineworkers, and thereby the real foundation of social exchanges between management and black mineworkers. Our collection of life histories shows how the moral economy was fragile and its codes not widely accepted. As a tool of analysis it does not include certain facets of the workers’ experience, feeling and human essence. The moral–economic relationship was conducive to surplus extraction by eliminating the non-conformist but industrious or sick workers in the labour system. It contributed to morbid sexual and emotional ways of life. The life histories further reveal how the rank-and-file generally endorsed and participated in what Moodie depicts as a positive class compromise struck between management and the workers’ union from the 1980s to the 1990s. It brought to them conditions for a regular family life and ‘advancing humanity’. This notwithstanding, our narrators found that the norm of apartheid gave way to that of discrimination and differentiation between black workers. Management replaced white ‘boss-ism’ by economism and a corporatist model of labour–management relationship. It engendered the spirit of new ways to secure opportunity.
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| 2 |
ID:
152129
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| Summary/Abstract |
South African teachers leave teaching due to factors such as lack of support and adverse working conditions. This study investigated rural teachers’ resilience experiences of teaching in a resource-constrained school. A life history design was used to generate data. The research site was visited six times over 20 months. Fifteen interview–conversations were collected and transcribed. The results indicate that the teachers faced chronic poverty as life-span risks. The teachers listed the unstable education system, resource-constrained teaching environment and chronic adversity as risk factors in their environment. They were also concerned with the illiteracy of parents and demotivated students. Significantly, this study shows how rural teachers fostered hope despite chronic adversity in order to be resilient in their chosen profession.
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| 3 |
ID:
152130
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the increasing problem of corruption with its accompanying “hostage-taking” in the district assemblies, which are the core institutions in Ghana’s democratic decentralization program. I argue that the problems are both self-inflicted and out of the greed and pervasive corruption that have engulfed the political system in Ghana. The article concludes by recommending certain measures that must be put in place if the situation is to be brought under control.
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| 4 |
ID:
152126
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| Summary/Abstract |
Professional development of teachers has been found to be a key initiative in raising standards in South African schools. The aim of this study was to establish the value of the continuous professional development programme on teachers’ learning, learners’ outcomes and whole school change in six special schools in South Africa. The focus was on the adaptation of ‘Learn Not to Burn’, a fire safety programme, and teacher and learner support materials for an inclusive classroom. The study proved that a staff development model based on collaborative networking in the specific context of special education can bring about significant social capital with gain particularly in teachers’ professional capacity, learner outcomes and whole school improvement.
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| 5 |
ID:
152124
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a huge re-emergence of Frantz Fanon’s ideas and an equally huge interest in his work in post-apartheid South Africa, both in the academy and social movement and organizations. Contrary to some commentators, particularly his biographers, this article aims to locate Fanon within the South African struggle for liberation. It is argued here that Fanon, throughout his life, as evidenced by his writings, was highly concerned about apartheid just as he was about French Algerian colonialism. For him, the paper claims, apartheid was synonymous with colonialism and therefore his critique of colonialism was just as much a critique of apartheid. The resurgence of his name and ideas in the country is a consequence of this critique.
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| 6 |
ID:
152131
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| Summary/Abstract |
By focusing on the case of the Jarso and the Girhi in eastern Ethiopia, this article seeks to contribute to comparative studies on the social, territorial and relational effects of the effort at political and administrative decentralization in multi-ethnic settings. The article analyses the political and social implications of the elements that constitute impediments to social cohesion and socio-economic interaction in the study area. The data required for the study were collected through fieldwork that involved interviews, focus group discussions and field observations. On the basis of the analysis, the article recommends what should be done to create a relational politics of place in which places and spaces that connect people remain open, discontinuous, relational and internally diverse.
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| 7 |
ID:
152127
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| Summary/Abstract |
The process of engaging the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stands at a crossroads that presents challenges as well as opportunities. We believe that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can indirectly help to facilitate North Korean reforms in three ways: (i) Political: via ASEAN’s ability to function as a neutral facilitator of dialogue; (ii) Economic: as models of economic reform for North Korea (particularly based on the experiences of Singapore and Vietnam); (iii) Social: the Choson Exchange based in Singapore is an ideal location for enabling North Koreans to study abroad and thus gain a greater understanding of other countries.
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| 8 |
ID:
152128
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the implications of state land tenure modernization and urbanization-promotion initiatives for human rights in Cameroon. The aim is to promote understanding of the implications of these initiatives for the right-to-the-city of indigenous urban residents. It is argued that the implications are more severe in politico-administrative headquarters than elsewhere in the country. Three different cities have served, at some point, as national politico-administrative headquarters in Cameroon, the study’s empirical referent. The designation of any city as a politico-administrative headquarters invariably creates a land scarcity problem in that city. The problem is aggravated for the city’s indigenous population by colonial and post-colonial planning policies. For this reason, the policies are said to be in violation of basic human rights as stipulated by the UN Declaration of Universal Human Rights as well as the African Charter.
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