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| 1 |
ID:
152151
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| Summary/Abstract |
There are no free lunches in international politics or relations. We have to pay something for what we want to get or desire in the realm of politics whether at the regional, national or international level. Each and every state, irrespective of their size, population, technology, power (in terms of military power) and so on, is striving for more and more power to secure its survival and national interests. Because you might not be interested in war but war is interested in you. Likewise, Taiwan is a small island nation and Beijing claims over it and argues that Taiwan is inseparable part of mainland China.
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| 2 |
ID:
152160
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| Summary/Abstract |
The border disputes of India with China and Pakistan are a parting gift of the British to the subcontinent. It is about inaccessible land that the British had acquired on India’s Northern, Western and Eastern borders to protect British India from the perceived threat of a Russian invasion, as these lands could act as buffer areas. Much of it was settled on paper with no land demarcation done on ground, so much so when a road was built by the Chinese in Aksai Chin area, Government of India came to know of it only when the Chinese announced the inauguration of the road. Likewise unmarked borders with Kashmir have resulted in decades of unrest in the region.
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| 3 |
ID:
152149
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| Summary/Abstract |
United States presence in different regions of the world has been one of the major mainstays of US foreign policy since the days of cold war, which has continued in the post-cold war era. It is through its military and economic presence by either forming alliance or through physical presence of its military hardware that US has kept a control over different parts of the world.
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| 4 |
ID:
152156
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| Summary/Abstract |
Donald Trump, the 45th President of United States heightened tensions with China when he exchanged a telephonic call with the President of Taiwan Tsai Ing-Wen and soon after declared that the country might challenge the One-China policy that it had previously acknowledged (Blanchard & Holland, 2017).
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| 5 |
ID:
152161
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| Summary/Abstract |
With a firm belief that the twentieth century will be an era of India-US relations, Mr Shalabh ‘Shalli’ Kumar, a seasoned Republican, who is also known to many as the Indian Adviser to Donald Trump and Founder Chairman of Republican Hindu Coalition (RHC) has achieved several milestones towards ensuring great relations between the United States of America and India in the last many years. An American to the core along with strong Indian roots, Mr Kumar has worked for ensuring America’s interests with respect to the South Asian issues and policies.
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| 6 |
ID:
152152
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sino-American perceptions of global order vary drastically and they do not share many security interests or political values. Present distrust between the U.S. and China is based on conflicting strategic, economic, and ideological perspectives. America’s denouncement of one-China policy under President Trump seems to be a strategy to manage increasingly assertive China. It is widely believed in America that with the rise in China’s economic and military power it is becoming more expansionary and intend to be a threat to freedom of navigation in the South China and East China seas, as well as a threat to the security of the U.S. allies in the region—primarily Japan, South Korea and Australia.
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| 7 |
ID:
152150
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| Summary/Abstract |
After assuming the office as 45th President of America on Jan 20, 2017 Donald Trump has released his policy named ‘America First’ Foreign Policy focussed on protected free Market for Americans and Restore the American dream and given slogan Buy American, Hire American. On China he has loose - tight (flip-flopped) policy, sounding tough on trade but blinking on the one China approach that he initially questioned.
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| 8 |
ID:
152157
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is true that Taiwan is no more important to US in 2017 as it was in 1972. Accepting the OCP never moved the central reality of Taiwan-US relations, but it gave protection for the Chinese in a strategic framework that has long ago vanished. Although strong China US ties are beneficial for both economies, however, replaying OCP or phone conservations as card is something premature to guess.
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| 9 |
ID:
152158
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| Summary/Abstract |
The fact that PRC have been able to make its mark both economically and internationally have strengthened and increased the prospects of One China Principle. Most countries over the world have established diplomatic relations with China and have maintained only unofficial, cultural and trading relations with Taiwan.
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| 10 |
ID:
152146
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| Summary/Abstract |
US president Donald J Trump indicated reversal of several US policies with unwonted alacrity to reinforce “America First” and “Make America Great Again” .One of these is writing a new script for its “One China” Strategy. Probably interdependence and perceived outcomes of breaking the norm in the US-ROC-PRC triangular relationship compelled him to repair the damage but US “One China Policy” is not clearly defined.
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| 11 |
ID:
152145
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Asia, structural constraints are proving too formidable to articulate an alternative response to rapidly evolving regional realities. But it’s not readily evident if this is sustainable in the long term, given the strong views of the US President and his inner team. Now, Trump is encountering the limits of presidential power, much like his predecessors. A President committed to putting “America first” now seems to recognize that a framework through which countries can pursue shared goals is not a bad thing.
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| 12 |
ID:
152148
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| Summary/Abstract |
The “One China Principle” proclaims that both Taiwan and mainland China are inalienable parts of a single “China”, whereof both governments claim to be the true and legitimate representatives. As both governments are striving for unification of both the territories, both uphold the One China policy, which asks that countries seeking diplomatic relations with the mainland People’s Republic of China must break off diplomatic relations with the Republic of China in Taiwan and vice versa. With the US President Donald Trump first questioning this principle and then retracting from his stated position vis-à-vis Beijing’s blunt and aggressive reaction, the consequent scenario may further push ahead the already declining American power and hegemony in the world and may also aggravate the ongoing Sino-US competitive race towards global hegemony.
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| 13 |
ID:
152144
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| Summary/Abstract |
Within almost two weeks of assuming office on 20 January 2017, President Donald Trump demonstrated excessive belligerence by signing a series of executive orders that now threaten to unbalance the existing world order, whose implications seem perilous for the world. His executive orders seem now to be the antithesis of his campaign promise of “creating stability” in the world by converting the world more unstable. From the stances on China, Mexico, Australia, immigration law, banning entry of people from six Muslim majority countries and threatening some other countries, Trump has insulted, provoked and picked fights with many in the first two weeks in office. As analysts world-over remain busy examining the policy consequences of the Trump Presidency, they equally worry identifying the sector which Trump would finally choose to launch his first serious international conflict. A conflict-situation is ripe in many fronts and to trigger one could be of Trump’s choosing.
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| 14 |
ID:
152154
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beijing has repeatedly made it unequivocally clear that Taiwan is the most important of its core interests. If the incoming U.S. administration actively challenges the One China policy, Beijing will certainly and resolutely strike back, leading to diplomatic confrontations or even military conflicts. If Trump would like to have a war with China to prove the United States is great again, then he should keep testing Beijing’s redline on Taiwan. Perhaps Trump will change his mind and adhere to long-standing U.S. policy on Taiwan.
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| 15 |
ID:
152153
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ‘One China Policy’ has played a pivotal role in shaping the Sino-U.S official relations since the end of Chinese Civil war in 1949. Moreover it is a fundamental bedrock in shaping the contours of Chinese foreign policy and diplomacy. Therefore it becomes a mandatory recognition on the part of countries and nations worldwide to recognize Peoples Republic of China (PRC) as being ‘One China’ and Taiwan- Republic of China (ROC), merely being a part of it.
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| 16 |
ID:
152155
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the new administration comes to grip with the realities of international politics and the interdependency with China in that sphere, the Donald Trump Administration has a number of challenges and dilemmas to deal with. On one hand are the campaign promises he has made regarding preventing China from snatching American jobs, on the other hand is the reality of economic interdependency with the same country. Secondly, Trump has sprung a surprise for the Chinese by indicating that the traditional American policy on ‘one China’ may no longer be that inviolable and that he looks forward to negotiating with China even at its expense. However, before one can jump to conclusion that Trump is on an anti-China drive, one should look at US decision under him to withdraw from TransPacific Partnership (TPP).The decision eases situation for China which has been excluded from TPP framework.
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| 17 |
ID:
152159
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| Summary/Abstract |
The end of the Cold War saw a change in the structure of the international system from a bipolar world with the United States bloc on one side and the Soviet bloc on the other to a unipolar world with the United States as the sole superpower. Hardly any international relations theorists had predicted such a sudden end to the Cold War. Realists such as Kenneth Waltz (Jackson & Sørensen, 2007) continued to argue that from their theoretical standpoint of structural realism, a bipolar world was more desirable than a unipolar or a multipolar world in an anarchical international system.
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| 18 |
ID:
152147
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| Summary/Abstract |
‘One Country two Systems’, ‘One China Policy’ and ‘Middle Kingdom Complex’ and so on and so forth, have been the descriptions attributed to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The PRC inherits these titles from its history – both colonial and modern. For an outsider China looks one, but it is not one in the technical sense. In contrast, though, India has had some similar colonial characteristics marked by heterogeneity but India is one, a unified whole having a similar political system in all parts of the country.
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