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| 1 |
ID:
112555
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| Publication |
Bombay, Popular Prakashan, 1967.
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| Description |
xviii, 550p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056462 | 923.254/TEN 056462 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
128682
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| 3 |
ID:
123033
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| 4 |
ID:
139174
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| Summary/Abstract |
The use of the term Naxalism has become synonymous with Maoist activities in India. All such activities are branded as Left Wing Extremism (LWE). The Maoist movement calls for a complete transformation of the political, social and economic systems as existing in India. In its essence, it challenges the validity of the Indian Constitution and rejects the Parliamentary system, seeking to replace it with a new social order. It draws its strength from existing weaknesses in society where certain vulnerable sections have been marginalised and exploited and, thus, can be penetrated and swayed by Maoist ideologues, who promise the people a fulfillment of their aspirations and a life of dignity and self-respect. The Naxal movement has a relationship to Communism. Karl Marx propounded that in order to fight feudalism and capitalism, “You must have a scientific philosophy and a sound theory, for a workers movement to be built up on a scientific basis”. In dealing with the problem of social change, Marx examined two concepts, the first dealing with the “forces of production” and the second with the “relations of production”. He was more interested in examining the military concepts of the social revolutionaries, which earlier lay in the domain of great political leaders, legislators and pioneering reformers. According to Marx, the social process would lead to revolution at a certain stage of development and the material productive forces of society would come into conflict with the existing relations of production. He emphasised that change could be
brought out only by revolution and not by peaceful means.1 The Naxal ideology flows from this line of thought.
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| 5 |
ID:
155928
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| 6 |
ID:
089710
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2003.
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| Description |
2v( xxiv, 738p.; xiii, 741p.)hbk
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| Contents |
Vol.1: Plates between pages 344-5
Vol 2: Plates between pages 354-5
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| Standard Number |
9780195653243
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054257 | 954.0426/GOP 054257 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 054258 | 954.0426/GOP 054258 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
123430
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines how the Aegean dispute which has been one of the contentious issues between Turkey and Greece for more than three decades has been Europeanized on the Turkish side. This Europeanization process started, in particular, with Turkey's candidacy to the European Union granted at the Helsinki Summit of 1999. In this article, the extent of the Europeanization of the Aegean dispute is measured by making references to the security and foreign policy discourses in Turkey. The change in the Turkish elite's discourses, or more concretely, the shift from the confrontational to cooperative discourses, is identified in the speeches delivered by the political leaders from the Turkish side.
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| 8 |
ID:
118876
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| 9 |
ID:
131144
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Gopinath Pandurang Munde (1949-2014) was a simple man comfortable in his rural roots. A stranger to Machiavellian Political machination, he owed his success to sheer determination.
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| 10 |
ID:
025057
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| Publication |
Madras, Orient Longman limited, 1959.
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| Description |
277p
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| Standard Number |
0-86131-913-3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030002 | 954.035/AZA 030002 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
084815
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| 12 |
ID:
024946
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| Publication |
DelhI, Vikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd, 1975.
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| Description |
viii, 186p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0706903676
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 014587 | 923.254/BHA 014587 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
131506
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to the prevailing interpretation of "Politics as a Vocation," the Weberian political leader is willing to leave morality behind and make hard-headed consequentialist calculations about political means. I argue that the Weberian political leader is more accurately described as someone who keeps calculation in its place-both in terms of assessing the consequences of pursuing certain means and, more fundamentally, in terms of a basic framework for viewing responsibility and the world. Indeed, inappropriate substitutions of "calculative" thinking for a broader, more responsive thoughtfulness about the world mark Weber's three paradigms of irresponsible political leadership: the morally absolutist politician, the bureaucratic politician, and the power politician. Further, foregrounding Weber's effort to corral calculation reveals that uncompromising ethical stands in politics need not amount to naïveté or reckless disregard for the consequences, and that morality has a continuing claim on his ideal leader.
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| 14 |
ID:
109256
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| 15 |
ID:
118916
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper assesses the patterns of financing of political parties and elections in Malaysia. The poor regulation of the activities of parties and of all forms of political elections has contributed to allegations of covert funding of politicians, from both Malaysian and foreign sources. Since parties have grossly unequal access to funds, this has led to unfairness in federal and state elections. This paper also deals with two fundamental issues in the financing of politics. First, Malaysia is one of very few countries where parties own corporate enterprises, a trend known as 'political business'. Second, money-based factionalism, known as 'money politics', is threatening the existence of parties and undermining public confidence in government leaders. Party factionalism is based not on ideological differences but on which political leader has the greatest capacity to distribute funds to capture grassroots-level support. Two core issues contribute to the extensive monetization of politics. First, existing disclosure requirements do not adequately restrict the covert funding of politics or ensure electoral fair play. Second, public institutions that oversee electoral competition are not sufficiently autonomous to act without favour. Finally, this paper reviews the levels of transparency built into current legislation, the pattern of financing of parties and electoral campaigns, and the relevant regulatory bodies' institutional capacity to ensure fairness and accountability during elections. The paper proposes legislative and institutional reforms to ensure electoral fairness, within and between parties.
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| 16 |
ID:
040800
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| Publication |
Ahmedabad, Navjivan Publishing House, 1952.
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| Description |
iv, 69p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017163 | 923.254/PYA 017163 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
076832
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| 18 |
ID:
024963
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| Publication |
Peking, Peoples publishing house, 1977.
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| Description |
v5 (518p.)
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017144 | 089.951/TSE 017144 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
154015
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| 20 |
ID:
132481
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Before anyone comments on Russia's actions in Crimea one way or the other, Russia's history must be understood, and it must be realised that Russia's reasons for expansionism in the 19th century and afterwards go back 800 years, to the day that Chengiz Khan's hordes invaded Rus in what was a full-scale campaign from 1237-40. Having crossed the Volga River in 1236 and taking a year to defeat the Volga Bulgarians,Batu Khan demanded the surrender of Yuri III of Vladmir. Receiving none, Batu Khan completely annihilated the city of Ryazan, squarely defeating Yuri's sons in an ensuing battle, and followed this up by burning Kolomna and Moscow. Within days, he burned the capital of Vladimir, where Yuri III and the royal family perished in the fire.'
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