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| 1 |
ID:
024947
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Seminar publications, 1991.
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| Description |
472p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033247 | 920.5/THA 033247 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
150406
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| 3 |
ID:
152296
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| Summary/Abstract |
An independent press that is free from government censorship is regarded as instrumental to ensuring human rights protection. Yet governments across the globe often target journalists when their reports seem to offend them or contradict their policies. Can the government’s infringements of the rights of journalists tell us anything about its wider human rights agenda? The killing of a journalist is a sign of deteriorating respect for human rights. If a government orders the killing of a journalist, it is willing to use extreme measures to eliminate the threat posed by the uncontrolled flow of information. If non-state actors murder journalists, it reflects insecurity, which can lead to a backlash by the government, again triggering state-sponsored repression. To test the argument whether the killing of journalists is a precursor to increasing repression, we introduce a new global dataset on killings of journalists between 2002 and 2013 that uses three different sources that track such events across the world. The new data show that mostly local journalists are targeted and that in most cases the perpetrators remain unconfirmed. Particularly in countries with limited repression, human rights conditions are likely to deteriorate in the two years following the killing of a journalist. When journalists are killed, human rights conditions are unlikely to improve where standard models of human rights would expect an improvement. Our research underlines the importance of taking the treatment of journalists seriously, not only because failure to do so endangers their lives and limits our understanding of events on the ground, but also because their physical safety is an important precursor of more repression in the future.
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| 4 |
ID:
141111
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| Summary/Abstract |
Public interest in China, as reflected in the level of media attention, is burgeoning in the West and elsewhere in the world. This interest is driven by China's increasing presence and importance in the lives of people around the world; and for the same reason is likely to continue growing. Since media discourses are the main way in which Western publics receive information about China, contributing to media reports and helping journalists reach deeper understandings is an important task and opportunity for academics whose specialist knowledge of China is often more nuanced than that of generalist China correspondents. Although developments in the two professions are demanding closer and more frequent interactions, many scholars are reluctant to engage. This is partly due to structural disincentives within the academy, and partly due to obstacles in the scholar–media relationship. Focusing on the latter, the objective of this article is to illuminate how China scholars and journalists currently interact, and to identify means to increasing their efficiency and sustainability.
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| 5 |
ID:
098459
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article shows that Chinese sensitivity about the way the Western press covers China, a point of obvious relevance today, has a lengthy and rich history. The article focuses on the movement to professionalize Chinese journalism in the late 1910s and early 1920s and on ways in which that movement was bound up in a transnational conversation about journalism reform, as well as in educational institution-building efforts, that flowed from the United States to East Asia. Concentrating on linkages between China, the United States and Japan, the article argues that the effort to transfer American journalistic norms to China was undercut both by the Western-dominated political and economic forces that shaped the flow of information in the world at the time, and by the failure of Western journalism to live up to its own standards insofar as its coverage of China was concerned. Given the rising nationalism in China at that time, such problems proved very consequential. These conclusions are based on an analysis in the last section of the article of Chinese participation in the Press Congress of the World meeting convened in Honolulu, Hawai'i, in 1921. The Chinese who attended that meeting were among the most Westernized and self-consciously professional journalists in China and, as such, were in a unique position to critique Western journalism practice in China on its own terms.
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| 6 |
ID:
118357
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| 7 |
ID:
118706
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| 8 |
ID:
122316
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2013.
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The 2011-12 revision of China's Criminal Procedure Law marked the first changes to the country's "mini-constitution" in 15 years, and the first time that proposed revisions were presented for public consultation. During the consultation period, lawyers, journalists and members of China's online communities criticized the draft's inadequacies, particularly measures that would allow investigators to "disappear" certain suspects. The debate over "secret arrest" revealed an emerging public discourse about justice issues, featuring an increasingly sophisticated understanding of the relationship between law and government accountability. Concern over police abuses is reorienting public opinion toward a justice discourse rooted in rights-protective procedures and institutions, that departs significantly from the rationales for criminal procedure reform articulated by China's politicolegal authorities. So long as those authorities treat legislative reform as a "contest" between institutional stakeholders and fail to engage with the public discourse, mistrust of public authority and demands for justice are likely to grow.
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| 9 |
ID:
089333
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2009.
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This paper examines the role of the media during and after the August invasion of Georgia by Russian troops. It shows how on both sides the media responded to strong pressures to report the conflict from a very one-sided perspective. Indeed the conflict can be seen as a media as much as a military conflict as both sides struggled to present themselves in the best possible light before the international community and to exaggerate the losses that had been inflicted on their own rather then their enemy's forces. The article details the way this conflict was played out in printed media and TV as well as Internet blogs and provides information on the cyber war, which also broke out between the rival states.
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| 10 |
ID:
118806
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2012.
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For the past 12 years, President Paul Kagame has ruled Rwanda with a firm hand, stabilizing a country that was torn apart by genocide only 18-years ago. Nevertheless, his opponents say his rule has come at a cost-harassment of journalists, politically motivated killings, and a crackdown on human rights defenders. Above all, Kagame has been accused of supporting a violent rebel insurgency in eastern Congo, a charge he repeatedly and vehemently denies.
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| 11 |
ID:
114418
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2012.
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New information technologies and the rise of social media are changing the relationship between media and warfare. Scholars and observers of this relationship have advanced many interpretations of these changes, yet, Peter Busch argues, none has offered a satisfactory approach to contemporary war reporting. Rather than focus on traditional concepts of truth and objectivity, Busch encourages war correspondents to embrace personal, involved, subjective journalism. Only by becoming close to the story can journalists successfully convey the nature of warfare.
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| 12 |
ID:
171338
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Saudi Arabia has imprisoned and tortured activists, religious leaders, and journalists for voicing dissent online. This reflects a growing worldwide trend in the use of physical repression to censor online speech. In this paper, we systematically examine the consequences of imprisoning well-known Saudis for online dissent by analyzing over 300 million tweets as well as detailed Google search data from 2010 to 2017 using automated text analysis and crowd-sourced human evaluation of content. We find that repression deterred imprisoned Saudis from continuing to dissent online. However, it did not suppress dissent overall. Twitter followers of the imprisoned Saudis engaged in more online dissent, including criticizing the ruling family and calling for regime change. Repression drew public attention to arrested Saudis and their causes, and other prominent figures in Saudi Arabia were not deterred by the repression of their peers and continued to dissent online.
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| 13 |
ID:
085336
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2008.
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Although the first Persian language newspaper was published in Iran 170 years ago, Iranian journalism is a twentieth century creation, indeed a product of the 1906 Constitutional Revolution. The press played a significant part in the revolution, especially by promoting the demand for the rule of laws enacted by parliament, rather than decrees issued by the king or the religious leaders. Once a constitution had been declared, many journalists felt relieved of all restrictions and engaged in bitter, personal attacks on their opponents, including the monarch and his family. Many papers also opposed a press law that was passed soon after the revolution, arguing that it was meant to suppress their newly-gained freedom. Five more press laws have been passed in Iran since then, but the debate over press freedom and the rule of law in the country does not appear to be anywhere near resolution.
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| 14 |
ID:
091196
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| 15 |
ID:
158165
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| Summary/Abstract |
The crossover of journalists to politics is not a novel phenomenon, but in Israel it has intensified in recent years with the increase in the number and the name recognition of the journalists who make the transition. Why do journalists make the transition to politics? Do they make an effective use of their media skills, and how do they perform as parliamentarians? To address these questions, semi-structured interviews were conducted with parliamentary reporters ‒ the main link between parliamentary affairs and the media.
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| 16 |
ID:
118362
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| 17 |
ID:
114416
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Peter Apps, political risk correspondent for Reuters, reflects on the roles and responsibilities of journalists in war reporting, and argues that, based on his observations of newswires' presence on the ground, foreign correspondents can fulfil a crucial 'early warning' function.
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| 18 |
ID:
024948
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| Publication |
Ahmedabad, Allied Publishers Limited, 1989.
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| Description |
v, 211p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030767 | 920.5/BHA 030767 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
129251
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| 20 |
ID:
121053
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Journalists are reluctant stewards for democracy because they believe that democracy makes citizens their own stewards. They resist donning the mantle of moral guides on behalf of those who are authorized to guide themselves. Yet sometimes journalists do exercise responsibility for the public good in ways that are not subsumed under their professional duty to be nonpartisan, accurate, and fair-minded. Examining some of these exceptions, this essay argues that journalistic stewardship should be loosely defined, decentralized, multiform, and open to invention. In fact, today's economic crisis in journalism (and the identity crisis it stimulated) has launched a new set of initiatives - from fact-checking to organized crowd-sourcing - that have each sought to address a specific problem of democracy, truthseeking, or the public good. Pluralism, pragmatism, and decentralized invention may do better at stewarding democracy than a coherent philosophy of moral guardianship ever could.
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