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| 1 |
ID:
154165
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article complicates existing portrayals of the China developmental "'model" from two angles. First, it problematises the historical basis of what many in the advanced "First World", particularly in America, used to see as their superior model of governance. In the final analysis, the current enthusiasm in these countries about the "China model" may have nothing to do with China per se but more to do with the decline of self-celebrated Western models that are themselves ideal-typical abstractions. Second, upon re-examining its historical record, it posits the alternative "China model" as similarly problematic. Triumphant portrayals of Chinese exceptionalism by China-based scholars have been predicated on a troubled Mao-era legacy, the implications of which remain unclear for understanding the increasingly fragmented and globally involved Chinese economy. Building on this double complication, the article concludes with a call for more historically grounded and geographically variegated examinations of Chinese political-economic evolution.
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| 2 |
ID:
154162
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Psychological counselling has experienced a substantial surge in China over the last two decades. Based on an ethnographic study of psychological counselling centres in the city of Jinan, the author explores how social discourses of psychology extend to the level of practice, and how this process is facilitated by recent political and economic changes. As psychological services not only promote, but are also predicated on a new mode of self-responsible citizenship, psychological centres are inclined to address problems of groups who embody high "potential" and who are seen to carry an important role in the modernisation of Chinese society.
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| 3 |
ID:
154167
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This research utilises an improved dynamic panel model to investigate the environmental effect of different technological resources in the big three regions of China, i.e. the eastern, western and central regions, from 1990 to 2014. The results show that research and development (R&D) capital stock contributes the most to the reduction of carbon emissions, whether at the national or provincial level, but physical capital stock results in an evident increment of carbon emissions in the three regions, especially in eastern China. Human capital stock, on the other hand, causes some mitigation in eastern and central China, except for western China. The spillover of international technology stock from foreign direct investment has less effect on carbon emission abatement than does import trade, though there are distinct regional differences.
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| 4 |
ID:
154164
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the process of drafting and adopting international legal documents, each participating state should ensure its participation is effective, i.e. it should ensure that its views and national interests are incorporated. However, this article argues that China's participation in the activities of the International Law Commission as well as at the International Court of Justice has not been effective, in contrast to the practice of the United Kingdom and the United States. In order to be a true leader in international affairs that has the capability to influence the course of legal developments, China should improve the quality and extent of its participation.
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| 5 |
ID:
154160
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the effects of government ownership on city commercial banks' lending behaviour in China from the central–local relationship perspective. The case study of Changsha Bank uses an institutional economic framework to analyse, in particular, the credit appetite of city commercial banks under the current institutional design of China's political and economic system. The central government relies on local governments to develop the local economy. Local governments bargain with the central government by relying heavily on city commercial banks as the local financing platform to serve their own political interests. Therefore, dual dependence exists between the central government and local governments, and is also prevalent between local governments and city commercial banks. This study illustrates the fundamental problems that exist within the post-transformation Chinese financial system design and provides guidance for further market-oriented transformation in China's "new normal" economy.
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| 6 |
ID:
154161
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article traces the socio-economic origins of the first generation of the visibly richest private entrepreneurs in China by analysing the roles of political background, family connections and culture capital. Based on a data set essentially reconstructed from two leading Chinese rich lists from 2003 to 2012, the author finds no clear evidence to support the hypothesis of "strong political capitalism". The theory of "interrupted embourgeoisement" is applicable to those who come from pre-communist elite or petty-bourgeois families, but more than half of the rich founders were born into the lower-middle class, such as the urban working class or peasantry. Moreover, for those who majored in social sciences and humanities, having a college degree is considered a ticket for landing a job in a public institute early in their career, while those having credentials in sciences and engineering are more likely to start their business in relevant areas directly. The author concludes that although each factor is vital, none of these provides a satisfactory single explanation for individual super-wealth. There is also a significant distinction between pioneers (early adopters) and newcomers (the recently established entrepreneurs).
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| 7 |
ID:
154163
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China's booming economy has provided various opportunities for international immigration, but current studies lack a focus on public attitudes towards immigration in China. Using a nationwide representative survey carried out in China, this article finds that most Chinese have positive attitudes towards international immigration, foreign workers and foreign spouses. This study also learns that more respondents believe that immigration should increase rather than decrease. In seeking the sources of these attitudes, this article identifies that non-economic factors play a significant role, and that both cultural tolerance and perceived threat are important sources of attitudes towards immigration.
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| 8 |
ID:
154166
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The phenomenon of numerous non-governmental organisations (NGOs) emerging and cooperating with local governments under China's one-party authoritarian regime has puzzled many observers. Moving beyond the debate on civil society and corporatism, this article seeks to explain why and how local governments and NGOs collaborate within a performance-based framework, arguing that performance-based decentralisation motivates local governments to collaborate with NGOs and that the performance-based empowerment determines how local governments and NGOs cooperate. Case studies drawn from Shanghai city and Ningbo city suggest that when local governments become aware that the performance of the NGOs can contribute to local development, they develop a strong desire to start the collaboration process and empower the NGOs: the better the performance of the NGOS, the more empowerment the NGOS are granted by local governments. In this article, improvements in the performance-based collaboration between local governments and NGOs are also discussed in the context of extending the role played by NGOs in Chinese society.
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| 9 |
ID:
154159
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study refreshes the communication mediation model by integrating impacts of individual psychological traits (civic motivations and political efficacy) with the relationships between Chinese netizens' media news uses, civic expression/discussion and civic engagement in the model. The results of an online survey (N=490) indicated that new media and conventional media have indirect effects on civic engagement through different mediators. Specifically, reading news from the newspapers has a negative impact on motivations driven by emotion, but directly spurs political efficacy, civic discussion and engagement. By contrast, watching TV news encourages civic discussion, while browsing news online increases the likelihood of participatory behaviours, driven by emotions of anger or sadness. Pressure from social networks is positively related to civic engagement. Motivations of civic duties, emotion and political efficacy are positively related to online civic expression and discussion with social networks about public affairs, both of which are strongly associated with participatory behaviours.
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| 10 |
ID:
154158
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article assesses the role of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) in China's maritime affairs. A proper comprehension of Beijing's civil–military South China Sea strategy and the PLA's contribution to the formulation of this strategy is essential to a better understanding of Chinese President Xi Jinping's readjustment of China's South China Sea policy and China's assertive behaviour. This article argues that the PLA has been prominent both in policymaking at the top and in the first-line enforcement of Chinese maritime rights. At the macro level, the PLA's institutional authority is pivotal in overseeing the country's national security/defence-related foreign affairs. To Beijing and especially to the PLA, the South China Sea issue is regarded less as diplomatic and even territorial disputes, but more as national and military security disputes in the wake of US naval entry into the 12-nautical mile territorial sea of the China-held islands. The onus of dispute management now falls heavily on the PLA, and PLA centrality in the South China Sea affairs can be attributed to Xi's close ties with the PLA and his assertive leadership that gains firm support from the PLA.
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