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| 1 |
ID:
154292
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| Summary/Abstract |
Revisiting the November 1947 UNGA Resolution 181, the Partition Plan, adjusting it to today’s reality or applying it as is.
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| 2 |
ID:
154303
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the Palestinians facing a belligerent occupation, an apartheid system that favors Jewish settlers and a growing settler colonial project, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is becoming chronic, an ongoing Nakba.
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| 3 |
ID:
154295
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| Summary/Abstract |
While Palestinians have long understood their national identity to be pluralistic and not based on religion, a more exclusive Zionist narrative post-1967 has sought to deny their historical existence in their homeland.
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| 4 |
ID:
154307
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the military occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip (WBGS) in June 1967, the Palestinian economy has been tightly linked to Israel in an involuntary relationship that can best be characterized as asymmetric in all its aspects. Given the wide economic and developmental gap between the two sides, and according to the basic precepts of neoclassical trade theory, such a relationship was supposed to benefit the less fortunate Palestinian economy more than the more developed and advanced Israeli economy. Over time, the theory predicted a sustained convergence between the two economies should be realized, and the income gap subsequently narrowed. That, however, did not happen, and the economic gap that separates Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories (OPT) continued to grow steadily.1 In 1968, for example, while GDP per capita in Israel (at $1,674) was 10 times higher than that of WBGS, the gap became wider in 2015, with Israeli per capita income (at $35,728) more than 12 times higher than the Palestinian one (at $2,866).2 The absolute gap in GDP per capita between the two economies, however, is much more revealing. While the difference in GDP per capita between Israel and the WBGS was only $1,500 in 1968, the absolute difference jumped to close to $33,000 in 2015. Put differently, while GDP per capita in WBGS increased by only $2,700 over the entire five-decade period, Israel’s GDP per capita increased by more than $34,000 over the same period.
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| 5 |
ID:
154300
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| Summary/Abstract |
The claim that because a peace agreement has not been signed between the Israelis and Palestinians peace activists have failed is baseless
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| 6 |
ID:
154304
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| Summary/Abstract |
The occupation of the Palestinian Territories is based on corruptive and corrupting practices that originate from and feed back into Israel.
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| 7 |
ID:
154290
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Israeli occupation has eroded Israeli democracy through a narrow neo-Zionist patriotism, a culture of disregard for the law and a divided national identity.
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| 8 |
ID:
154297
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| Summary/Abstract |
The effects and implications of the siege, internal Palestinian divisions, boycotts by the international community and three Israeli wars have left Gaza in a catastrophic situation on the political, economic and social levels.
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| 9 |
ID:
154289
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israel must choose now between peace with the dispossessed indigenous people of their state, or face another half-century of isolation with the backdrop of a rapidly encroaching demographical dilemma.
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| 10 |
ID:
154302
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political will of the Israeli leadership has been a key factor in past breakthroughs and near-breakthroughs in negotiations to make peace, and presumably will be in the future.
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| 11 |
ID:
154299
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israel's land seizure and settlement policy, house demolition strategy, and matrix of control on the movement of Palestinians has undermined the “two-state solution” and the peace process altogether.
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| 12 |
ID:
154305
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| Summary/Abstract |
Palestinians in the annexed areas have been subjected to systematic Israeli policies to seize and Israelize their land, separating them from their West Bank families and socioeconomic and political life.
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| 13 |
ID:
154294
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| Summary/Abstract |
srael must either end the occupation without further procrastination and pretext, and work with the Palestinians to build their own state or, pending a future final settlement, grant equal rights in the meantime to everyone subject to Israeli jurisdiction.
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| 14 |
ID:
154293
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| Summary/Abstract |
The occupation has created processes that have dramatically changed the Israeli state and society, and only with the return of political power to the majority will it be possible to set in motion a process that will lead to the end of the occupation.
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| 15 |
ID:
154301
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| Summary/Abstract |
Palestinian society is fragmented by the long-term trauma — exacerbated in some cases by aspects of its own culture — and everyday struggles imposed by the ongoing Israeli occupation.
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| 16 |
ID:
154296
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| Summary/Abstract |
The power of the Court to review the constitutionality of legislation such as the Settlement Legalization Law is an essential part of democratic governance, as is NGOs' standing to petition for judicial intervention.
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| 17 |
ID:
154306
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a striking absence of Israeli public awareness and discussion regarding the effects of the occupation on Israeli society.
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| 18 |
ID:
154291
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given that the U.S. government is not prepared to advance peace in the Middle East, it is crucial that the EU step into a leadership role in the effort.
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| 19 |
ID:
154288
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| Summary/Abstract |
The hard reality is that change is not self-generating; yet transformative change is possible, and it starts with transformative leaders.
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| 20 |
ID:
154298
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| Summary/Abstract |
Both the standing of the UN as a whole and the fate of Resolution 2334 will be determined by the struggle between Trump and Haley on one side and the rest of the world on the other.
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