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| 1 |
ID:
158153
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares the struggle of two groups in Israel for housing rights. Following Schneider and Ingram’s model, the article analyses the influence of the social construction of each group ‒ residents of the communal rural sector as an advantaged group, and public housing tenants as a dependent group ‒ on its housing rights. The findings fit Schneider and Ingram’s model with one surprising exception: The ‘dependent’ group achieved significant favourable legislation in 1998, whereas the ‘advantaged’ group has not yet succeeded. The article attempts to explain this divergence from the model and the effect of social construction on housing rights in a given society.
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| 2 |
ID:
154450
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the dynamic nature of the transformation of public housing regimes in urban China since the abolishment of the urban welfare housing system in the late 1990s. We summarize the latest progress in the development of public housing in post-reform China and investigate the driving forces behind these developments. A close examination of the public rental housing program in Shanghai helps to show that the recent revival of public housing in Chinese cities is mostly driven by the desire for economic growth. We conclude that the state provision of housing could be a short-run state remedy to alleviate economic imbalance and social inequality. However, in the long run China needs to seek more effective solutions to solve the low-income population's housing affordability problems.
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| 3 |
ID:
178991
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| Summary/Abstract |
Across advanced economies, affordable housing shortages are pushing low-income voters out of cities. Left governments frequently exacerbate these shortages by eliminating public housing. Why does the Left pursue policies that displace its voters? We argue that the Left’s long-term rebalancing towards the middle class and away from an increasingly stigmatized “underclass” has significantly attenuated the trade-offs inherent in reducing affordable housing. Focusing on the UK, we demonstrate that by alienating low-income voters politically and reshuffling them across districts, housing crises have significant costs for Labour. Yet, drawing on interviews, we show that displacement is nonetheless compatible with electoral interests: the displaced make room for richer voters whom politicians believe will also support Labour. A quantitative analysis of Greater London’s 32 local authorities and 624 wards further documents trends in line with coalitional rebalancing. Taken together, our findings demonstrate that electoral foundations are key to understanding housing crises and gentrification.
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