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| 1 |
ID:
175026
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| Summary/Abstract |
With state-led support being only temporary, attention has turned to retail electricity markets to provide long-term support for renewable electricity. Past research has focused on consumer preferences for green electricity, i.e. the demand side. We investigated the supply side by analyzing what suppliers selling green retail electricity products in the UK, Germany, France and Italy actually provide. Through content analysis of the online data provided by these companies, we found that most products in Germany and France rely on Scandinavian hydropower. Since almost all of these plants have been operating for decades, these products today cannot be said to effectively drive new renewable capacities. Products in the UK and Italy rely on sources which already have state-led support and thus also do not drive the expansion of renewables. In fact, none of the four countries has established a policy framework that successfully fosters the development of a voluntary market for green electricity capable of driving the expansion of renewables. Alignment between sustainable energy policy objectives, consumer demand, and supply-side offerings in a voluntary market might be improved by empowering consumers through a simplified and possibly state-led labeling scheme that focuses on environmental impact and includes minimum standards for performance.
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| 2 |
ID:
157590
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ‘international’ can be conceived of as a highly sought after symbolic capital. People seek to internationalise their curriculum vitae or resumes, study international subjects, get international diplomas, travel internationally, obtain international jobs. As symbolic capital the ‘international’ can be converted into ‘profit’ complementing other forms of capital (economic, cultural and social capital), deployed in struggles for social domination. It is used as a strategy of social positioning and social domination quasi-globally, but it is not recognised everywhere in the same way. We are particularly interested in the unequal distribution of this symbolic capital, the way differential conversion rates and social boundaries operate in the generation of social inequalities. For this, we will work with and against Bourdieu, in analysing the ‘international’ as a source of a highly contextual form of symbolic power, deployed in a variety of social group formations, but with uneven, differential effects, a naturalised and disguised form of domination. Ultimately, this article problematises how claims to ‘internationality’ operate in social relations and power-struggles and provides an analytical framework hereof.
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| 3 |
ID:
173918
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| Summary/Abstract |
Calls for a greater inclusion of local actors have featured for some time in debates on how to make humanitarian action more efficient and address unequal power relations within the humanitarian system. Though the localisation agenda is at the core of current reform efforts in the humanitarian sector, the debate lacks a critical discussion of underlying assumptions – most strikingly, the very conceptualisation of the local itself. It is argued that the current discourse is dominated by a problematic conceptualisation of the local in binary opposition to the international, leading to blind spots in the analysis of exclusionary practices of the humanitarian sector. As such the localisation agenda risks perpetuating the very issues it wants to redress. A critical localism is thus proposed as a framework for much needed research on the localisation agenda.
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| 4 |
ID:
183991
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines China’s media strategy and activities towards Israel, underscoring its recent increase in intensity. By way of doing so, the article explores Beijing’s use of journalism and other Israeli media outlets on the one hand, and the employment of direct Chinese soft power tools, from China Radio International (CRI), to the establishment of Chinese institutes in Israel, to public and media activities of Israel-based Chinese diplomats.
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| 5 |
ID:
167311
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, there has been a rise in China’s profile in South Asia. It is no surprise that Chinese experts have used terms, such as ‘new springtime’ in China–South Asia relations, ‘rediscovery of the strategic status of South Asia’ and ‘most relevant region with regard to the rise of China’. The objective of this article is to examine the nature and drivers of China’s South Asia policy, especially under the leadership of Xi Jinping vis-à-vis China’s policy towards the region in the past. It is not sufficient to only examine international factors or foreign and security policy in the context of the neighbouring region, such as South Asia. China’s ‘domestic periphery’ presents a significant threat to its national security. These areas are linked to neighbouring countries of South Asia and Central Asia.
The announcement by Chinese President Xi Jinping of a ‘New Era’ or ‘third era’ in the history of Communist Party of China (CPC) represents a China which is known for its dictum ‘striving for achievement’ (fenfa youwei). This is different from the second era’s policy of ‘keeping a low profile and biding the time’ proposed by Deng Xiaoping. Of course, the name of Mao Zedong is synonymous with the first era beginning from 1949.
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| 6 |
ID:
086225
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The realities of climate change are unsettling and define to a great extent the challenges of the twenty-first century. The pressures of living in an age of risk are high with diverse constituencies now involved in the development of climate policy. Policy responses to the prospect of climate change, in particular capping carbon emission, will dominate negotiations and determine the structure of a new regime that is universally ratified and comes into force by 2012.
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| 7 |
ID:
150568
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I offer a critical historical analysis of modernity, identifying tensions between logics of modernity that rely on premises of colonial and capitalist modernity as a universalizing project, and those that instead propose an alternative decolonial project. As part of the latter, I outline the contours of an emergent and distinct political project premised on deep relational ontologies between humans, and humans and nature. I develop the analysis in three interrelated parts. I begin by critically reconstructing the justifications for the universal project of colonial and capitalist modernity and the “method of rule” through which it has been realized. In part two, drawing on case examples primarily from Latin America, I identify and discuss the opening toward an alternative political project of negotiating between worlds with the potential to challenge fundamentally the logics of universal modernity. In part three, I conclude with some critical insights into the colonial logics of modernity, emphasizing that they have always been contested. I argue that, given the inequalities and crises of modernity, there is an urgent need to reflect critically on the concrete possibilities afforded through an alternative political project, at the core of which are struggles for social justice without nature–culture distinctions. Ultimately, this project fractures the international and, instead, aspires toward the pluriverse.
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| 8 |
ID:
117913
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conventionally, the concept of cosmopolitanism is dealt with as a normative discourse. However, a far more useful understanding is to focus on the practices that the concept enables. The aim in this article is to highlight two manifestations of such practices, namely those that have as their imperative security, the cosmopolitanism of government, and those that might be defined in terms of solidarity, the cosmopolitanism of politics. Both the socio-historical context of the rise of liberal modernity as well as its late-modern manifestations in contemporary security practices suggest that these two articulations of cosmopolitanism should not be seen in oppositional terms, but rather as being mutually implicating and mutually present. While the concept enables a government of populations, containing within it a colonial rationality, the article suggests that there is an excess to the concept that steers it beyond government through security and towards the politics of solidarity. Placing the lens on the forms of political subjectivity generated through cosmopolitan practices, the article highlights the concept's potential in revealing the political implications of contemporary practices that have the postcolonial world as the primary target of their operations.
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| 9 |
ID:
037285
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| Publication |
London, Croom Helm, 1982.
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| Description |
247p.
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| Standard Number |
0709912145
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 020527 | 327.116094/HAG 020527 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
126629
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2008, President Ma Ying-jeou and his Kuomintang (KMT) government in Taiwan have adopted the policy of seeking greater economic cooperation with China in exchange of reducing confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. By endorsing the 'One China' principle, the KMT government successfully resumed dialogue with Beijing and signed 18 agreements, ranging from allowing Chinese tourists to visit Taiwan to establishing a closer economic partnership. Yet President Ma's self-claimed achievements in cross-strait peace received severe criticisms from the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which accused KMT's pro-China policy as selling out the democratic Taiwan to an authoritarian regime. This article examines the on-going debates between the ruling KMT and opposition DPP about proper strategies towards China, and how such debates make it unlikely for Taiwan to form an effective policy on cross-strait affairs. The differences between KMT and DPP on their respective China policies have led to prolonged distrust between both parties, and between DPP and Beijing. Facing an increasingly powerful China, both parties are short of better ideas to convince voters that their current policy will effectively secure Taiwan's sovereign status or will be beneficial to enhancing Taiwan's interests in the long term.
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| 11 |
ID:
101834
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What contribution can a theorization of friendship offer to the understanding of the world of states? It is argued here that the contemporary view of friendship eclipses a longer and broader appreciation. As such, the view of friendship that identifies it as affective, private and particular (here termed the contemporary-affective view) is one instance of a much wider cluster of ideas sharing overlapping characteristics. So conceptualized, 'friendship' is the concern with what binds person-to-person. It is a concern with the nature and fabric of the political. Seen from this vantage point, friendship highlights what an analysis through the state tends to overshadow: the enduring affinities, identifications and bonds that permeate the dynamics of the world of states. Thus, friendship need not remain the preserve of the premodern (Aristotle), nor be usurped as an adjunct to sovereignty and power (Schmitt), but investigated as an ongoing site of analysis for phenomena within, between and beyond states.
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| 12 |
ID:
102780
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| 13 |
ID:
162859
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| Summary/Abstract |
How international in scope is publishing in political science? Previous studies have shown that the top journals primarily publish work by scholars from the United States and, to a lesser extent, other global-north countries. However, these studies used published content and could not evaluate the impact of the review process on the relative absence of international scholars in journals. This article evaluates patterns of submission and publication by US and international scholars for the American Political Science Review—one of the most selective peer-reviewed journals in the discipline. We found that scholars from the United States and other global-north countries are published approximately in proportion to submissions but that global-south scholars fare less well. We also found that scholars affiliated with prestigious universities are overrepresented, irrespective of geographic location. The article concludes with observations about the implications of these findings for efforts to internationalize the discipline.
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| 14 |
ID:
166411
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| Summary/Abstract |
Fostering the global development of low-carbon technology is crucial to mitigating greenhouse gas emissions. This paper analyzes the effect of energy-efficiency policies on lighting patenting between 1992 and 2007, using data for 19 OECD countries. We examine levels of energy-efficiency RD&D expenditures (representing a technology-push approach) and the stringency of energy-efficiency performance standards (representing a demand-pull approach). We find strong correlational evidence that both domestic demand-pull and technology-push policies positively affect domestic lighting patenting. We also provide strong correlational evidence that the demand-pull policy positively affects foreign lighting patenting; however, the technology-push policy does not. These findings suggest that demand-pull policies can help to transform international markets for low-carbon technology innovation, and they underscore the importance of the often-overlooked international dimension of domestic energy-efficiency policies. To the extent that our findings are generalizable, our research suggests that governance processes that strengthen energy performance standards and steady investment in RD&D could spur energy innovation in industrialized nations across the world.
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| 15 |
ID:
164410
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous research has credited China's top leaders, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, with the social policies of their decade in power, arguing that they promoted these policies either for factional reasons or to achieve rational, problem-solving goals. But such arguments ignore the dominant “fragmented authoritarian” model of policymaking in China that centres on bargaining among bureaucratic agencies. This article asks whether top leadership factions, rational problem solving, or “fragmented authoritarianism” can explain the adoption of one of the Hu and Wen administration's flagship policies, New Rural Cooperative Medical Schemes. Based on a careful tracing of this policy's evolution, it finds little evidence for these explanations, and instead uncovers the role played by international events and organizations, and ideas they introduced or sustained within policy networks. The article highlights some of the effects that China's international engagement has had on policymaking and the need to go beyond explanations of the policy process that focus solely on domestic actors. It proposes a new model of policymaking, “network authoritarianism,” that centres on policy networks spanning the domestic–international, state–non-state, and central–local divides, and which takes account of the influence of ideas circulating within these networks.
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| 16 |
ID:
049636
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| Publication |
Hampshire, Palgrave, 2002.
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| Description |
xiv, 217p.
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| Standard Number |
0333970381
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046150 | 337.51052/HIL 046150 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
082781
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paper argues that a significant change in Japanese post-Cold War security policy has occurred, as compared to its Cold War security policy. Instead of relying solely on power-based realist variables, this paper argues that a significant change is taking place because of the shift in Japan's security identity from a 'peace state' to an 'international state'. What this refers to is that Japan sees itself as playing a more active role in military-strategic affairs in the post-Cold War period due to the normative structure shift within Japan in relation to the practices and role(s) in the regional and international security environment. To show change in Japan's security identity and its resultant security behaviour, norms in three areas that define and shape its security policy are contrasted - Japan's definition of national security; its contribution, in military terms, to regional and international security affairs; and the level of agency (control) Japan has in its security policy. The international-state security identity is increasingly recognised by the members of Japan's security policy-making elite and is used to formulate Japan's security policy in the post-Cold War period. It is also gradually being accepted by the larger Japanese society and has become a permanent feature of Japan's security discourse
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| 18 |
ID:
094585
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| Publication |
Boca Raton, CRC Press, 2009.
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| Description |
xxxiii, 489p.
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| Contents |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
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| Standard Number |
9781420069648
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054834 | 363.3253/ACK 054834 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
081302
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper briefly examines the current status of efforts to promote the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) and analyzes the significance of attracting foreign businesses to the complex. Attention is focused especially on the meaning and limitations of legal reform to attract foreign investment, and the direction in which it should head. The international community has undeniable influence over the tasks of the KIC and its legislative reform. For that reason, this paper offers a view of the KIC from the perspective of the United States and the international community, focusing on the KIC's legislative infrastructure
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| 20 |
ID:
146828
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the effectiveness of an international, interdisciplinary simulation of an ongoing trade negotiation. It thoroughly describes the simulation, provides links to background information for public use, and offers suggestions on ways to further strengthen the learning outcomes achieved.
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