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| 1 |
ID:
185848
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| Summary/Abstract |
All appears quiet on Australia’s southern front – Antarctica. The continent remains a beacon of cooperation, home to a continued system of international governance and scientific engagement, lauded as a political win from the depths of the Cold War. Beneath the surface, however, this article argues that strategic competition is now building. In Antarctica, this competition takes the form of gray zone activities. This article argues that the proliferation of gray zone challenges could jeopardize the future of the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS). This article analyses gray zone activity in Antarctica and highlights the growing complexity Australia faces, as Canberra pursues the dual objectives of protecting Australia’s territorial claim to the Australian Antarctic Territory (AAT) and bolstering the ATS.
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| 2 |
ID:
188532
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EU externalised border control has become a bone of contention in EU–Malian relations. Based on fieldwork among Malian state officials, migrant associations and EU staff in Bamako, the article explores readmission agreements and border police collaboration. By examining the often-underestimated agency of national authorities, the article shows how EU border interventions aimed at producing control and confinement deep within the EU–African borderlands are contested and shaped by Malian state actors’ ‘borderwork’ (Rumford 2008). It argues that the contentious border politics produce ‘hidden acts’ through which moments of ‘sovereign exception’ (Agamben 1998) are produced in the ‘grey zone’ (Feldman 2019) of Europe’s externalised migration–security apparatus. Meanwhile, in the grey zone state actors’ everyday tactics of resistance are constitutive of new forms of sovereignty that is agency enabling.
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| 3 |
ID:
158712
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This article explores how contemporary counter-insurgency and peacebuilding converge around a pragmatic interventionary discourse that reinvents historical pacification practices centred on bottom-up support for local coercion wielders and securitized institution-building. The analysis combines a historical perspective on the changing position and meaning of peace in relation to counter-insurgency with an exploration of contemporary articulations of war with peace in interventions in the Somali context. Through analyses of the cases of Jubaland and Somaliland—two sites where counter-insurgency has adapted to the limitations of state-centric stabilization by instead targeting institutions and actors beyond the host nation government—the article explores how contemporary counter-insurgency embeds itself within the legitimating vocabulary of peace and bottom up reconstruction, and draws on the operational tools provided by peacebuilders. Moreover, it demonstrates how these tools are thereby reframed in such a way that their stated peacefulness is subjugated to counter-insurgency campaign objectives—with far from peaceful effects on local orders. By teasing out these effects through empirical examples, and by offering a historical contextualization of the examples, the article reappraises understandings of contemporary counter-insurgency as a benevolent and locally-sensitive approach to defeating ‘subversion’ and installing peace—instead it conveys the marked resemblance to colonial and Cold War efforts of pacification. This highlights the importance of closely examining the specific geopolitical and policy contexts in which the terms of the debate on bottom-up peace circulate, as well as the different intervention agendas with which such proposals become entwined.
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| 4 |
ID:
181661
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United Kingdom’s integrated defense and security review put “grey zone” or “hybrid” challenges at the center of national security and defense strategy. The United Kingdom is not alone: The security and defense policies of NATO, the European Union, and several other countries (including the United States, France, Germany, and Australia) have taken a hybrid-turn in recent years. This article attempts to move the hybrid debate toward more fertile ground for international policymakers and scholars by advocating a simple distinction between threats and warfare. The United Kingdom’s attempts to grapple with its own hybrid policy offer a national case study in closing the gap between rhetoric and practice, or stagecraft and statecraft, before an avenue of moving forward is proposed—informally, through a series of questions, puzzles, and lessons from the British experience—to help international policy and research communities align their efforts to address their own stagecraft-statecraft dichotomies.
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| 5 |
ID:
168266
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This article examines critically the literature of hybrid war and evaluates the countermeasures often proposed. It explains the concept of hybrid warfare and its varied interpretations, illustrating how it is a manifestation of current anxieties in armed conflict. The selection of the literature is based on works that are referenced, that offer a scientific approach, and which review either the phenomenon of hybrid warfare or its countermeasures empirically. Unscientific works have been omitted. The analysis of the literature presented here shows that the antidotes to ‘hybridity’ lie not in the operational or tactical sphere but in strategic and political domains.
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| 6 |
ID:
188263
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The information age has transformed society by allowing people to interact digitally, yet it enables motivated actors to use mass influence to further their political objectives. The struggle against disinformation requires an appreciation of how a disinformation effect can be achieved in order to counter it. We consider the nature of disinformation and its use in the hybrid warfare domain, before examining the problem through frames of planning approach, truth theory, systems thinking, and military strategy. These approaches are informative in developing counter-strategies and we specifically identify the concept of kill chains as a useful framework to assist in the disinformation challenge.
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| 7 |
ID:
190442
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Tensions between Spain and Morocco rose throughout 2021. However, they stem from decades-long conflicts over territory. One of Rabat’s main claims relates to the Spanish cities of Ceuta and Melilla, located on the north coast of Africa. The present article highlights the main clashes between the two countries and their respective positions. It then explores whether Morocco is operating a Grey Zone strategy to secure control over the two cities in the medium term and concludes that this is indeed the case.
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| 8 |
ID:
182225
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| Publication |
Abingdon, RUSI, 2021.
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| Description |
iv, 104p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781032266671
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060096 | 355.03/BRO 060096 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
173156
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| Summary/Abstract |
The digital age has permanently changed the way states conduct political warfare—necessitating a rebalancing of security priorities in democracies. The utilisation of cyberspace by state and non-state actors to subvert democratic elections, encourage the proliferation of violence and challenge the sovereignty and values of democratic states is having a highly destabilising effect. Successful political warfare campaigns also cause voters to question the results of democratic elections and whether special interests or foreign powers have been the decisive factor in a given outcome. This is highly damaging for the political legitimacy of democracies, which depend upon voters being able to trust in electoral processes and outcomes free from malign influence—perceived or otherwise. The values of individual freedom and political expression practised within democratic states challenges their ability to respond to political warfare. The continued failure of governments to understand this has undermined their ability to combat this emerging threat. The challenges that this new digitally enabled political warfare poses to democracies is set to rise with developments in machine learning and the emergence of digital tools such as ‘deep fakes’.
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| 10 |
ID:
154706
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Each age has its own wars and its own forms of warfare. In today’s evolving world risk society warfare has entered a new development stage. The states of the “global North” adapt their forms of intervention. They increasingly practice postmodern warfare characterized especially by the role of influencing the information space, networked approaches, the incorporation of indirect and covert actions, and the special quality of new technologies. This practice furthers an increasing grey zone between limiting and de-bounding of warfare. The phenomenon of postmodern warfare raises some tough questions and offers a rich research agenda.
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| 11 |
ID:
193256
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This study examines the dynamics of gray zone warfare by analyzing its conceptualization in the literature and through its practice in several recent examples. Ever-increasing changes in the characteristics of contemporary warfare have complicated the security environment of the 21st century. Modern warfare inclines toward non-kinetic dimensions based on the principles of hybridity, soft power, and ambiguity. This changing nature of warfare has been defined and categorized in diverse ways, leading to numerous perspectives revealing more confusion than clarity. The terms “hybrid warfare,” “gray zone warfare,” “unrestricted warfare,” and “ambiguous warfare” have received unprecedented attention in recent years. A key contemporary challenge is to differentiate between war and peace because gray zone warfare occupies the space in between both these situations. Many contemporary conflicts are neither black nor white; instead, they fall in the middle of the two: the gray zone. These factors underscore the significance of evaluating and understanding the concept of gray zone warfare. The United States considers Russia, China, and Iran as revisionist states that employ gray zone warfare in various domains to challenge the United States-led world order. South Asia is also a manifested playground of gray zone warfare. The research further distinguishes between gray zone warfare and hybrid warfare and proposes strategies for countering this threat.
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| 12 |
ID:
192073
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the threat analysis across Africa that should be included in Force Design 2030 (FD2030) for the United States Marine Corps. FD2030 is a strategic guidance document with emphasis on Great Power Competition with China, Russia, Korea, Iran and violent extremist organisations. Africa is not mentioned. This is a notable omission, given that high-level interventions by the Marines in the past to Africa have not been overtly successful. Given geo-strategic significances and hot spots, it is inevitable that the Marines will be deployed again landward to Africa or seaward of the continent. Recommendations are made to be included in the document based upon lessons learned from failures in Somalia, Libya and Lebanon and successes in Syria and Iraq, and the experiences of others – France in Mali and Burkina Faso and United States Africa Command. Great Power Competition, violent extremist organisations and the grey-zone phenomenon across Africa are scrutinised, as are intelligence, counterintelligence and hybrid warfare.
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| 13 |
ID:
177915
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| Summary/Abstract |
The claim that concepts such as ‘hybrid warfare’ or the ‘grey zone’ reflect the real world better than traditional notions of war and peace does not survive scrutiny.
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| 14 |
ID:
176520
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| Summary/Abstract |
Democratic powers like the US and the UK have extensive experience of operating within the grey zone, and states that practise grey-zone warfare can be countered.
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