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| 1 |
ID:
157764
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper discusses two distinct political mobilisations of October 2015 in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. Student protests against racial, class-based, and gender-based oppression coincided with xenophobic violence in the city. These events demonstrated both challenges to and continuity with the long history of politics in Grahamstown, a history marked by the contestation and control of space, race, and citizenship. The paper argues for the continued relevance of these themes to thinking about contemporary South African politics. By considering together the two events of October 2015, we can interrogate aspects of colonial political continuities in post-1994 South Africa which variously influence mass protest action for democratic opening, anti-democratic violence, and state responses to both.
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| 2 |
ID:
157765
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines the political implications of women’s participation in social movements in Thailand. Based on interviews at protest sites and focus group discussions with movement participants as well as interviews with leaders and key informants, the study suggests that political socialization within what is commonly called the color-coded movements has resulted in women acquiring political knowledge and learning about political engagement while being increasingly accepted as competent political actors. Consequently, women have utilized the Red and Yellow Shirt movements to increase their engagement in politics in three different ways. First, women form groups to enhance their political roles and opportunities within the movements. Second, women are expanding their political roles beyond those offered by the color-coded movements by becoming informal representatives, bridging their communities with formal political agents and institutions. Finally, women are increasingly entering into formal politics through the support of their movements.
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| 3 |
ID:
157770
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This study investigates what factors affect Republic of Korea (South Korea)–United States (ROK–US) relations based on a theoretical framework, using event data created by content analysis from 1990 to 2011. South Korea’s economic development led to democratization, which resulted in elite changes. New progressive elites interpreted national interests differently and demanded changes in ROK–US relations. Accordingly, the ROK–US relationship was tense during the progressive administrations. ROK’s economic development attracted more trade with the US, which enhanced the bilateral relationship due to heightened interdependence. By contrast, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea)–US relationship and the trade between ROK and China did not significantly affect ROK– relations, meaning ROK’s relationship with other countries does not affect ROK–US relations.
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| 4 |
ID:
157767
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this research is to investigate and analyse higher education institutions’ enrolment and drop-out rates within the Gauteng province, South Africa. Large-scale secondary data from the General Household Survey, obtained from Statistics South Africa (2012) were used. This study’s findings show that finance, orphan-hood, transport to the higher education institutions and, to a lesser extent, unplanned pregnancies, are some of the main factors that affect the enrolment rate of students. This study hopes to be useful to policy-makers, research managers and other decision-makers within the higher education (HE) landscape.
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| 5 |
ID:
157766
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper provides a broad review of agrarian change in Ghana by highlighting the major developments in the agrarian political economy and their implications for agricultural commercialisation and its modifying influence on land tenure systems, livelihoods, production systems, social relations, and labour relations. While current land tenure arrangements and labour relations in Africa are often explained in terms of globalisation, we argue that the historical context of agricultural commercialisation in Ghana shows continuities and discontinuities in agrarian relations from the colonial period to the present. We also argue that changes over the years have blended with globalisation to produce the distinct forms of labour relations that we see today. The commercialisation of agriculture in Ghana has evolved progressively from the colonial era aided by policies of coercion, persuasion and incentives to its current globalised form. The expansion in the range of commodities over time necessarily increased the demand for more land and labour. The article contributes to the literature by providing great insights into changes in land and labour relations due to increasing commercialisation, and how these enhanced wealth accumulation for the richer segments of society and global capital to the detriment of the poor throughout Ghana’s agrarian history.
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| 6 |
ID:
157771
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| Summary/Abstract |
For the crafters and drafters of the African Union’s (AU) Constitutive Acts particularly the Addis Ababa Charter and the Lomé Declaration of July 2000 and the Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS) Protocol on Good Governance and Democracy, the novel idea was to provide a regional, sub-regional, platform of support to democratic governments and also deter any forms of unconstitutionalism. However, recent events have put to the test the political capacity of these organisations to uphold the sanctity of the normative framework and the protocol supportive of democratic processes. In the case of the AU, the outburst of revolutionary movements in the north African region provided a platform for a thorough assessment of the AU’s Normative Frameworks related to constitutionalism and democracy. While it was accepted that the case of Tunisia followed the democratic process, the Egyptian and Libyan cases were seen as a negation of the principles of the framework.Likewise,in the case of the ECOWAS, there were myriads of problems that tested the organisation’s democratic credentials. For instance, Guinea Bissau experienced two coup d’états in two years (2009 and 2012), Guinea in December 2008; Niger in March 2010; and Burkina Faso in 2015. The AU and ECOWAS have been challenged and pulled along by two parallel but not equal forces: the need to ensure respect for the principle of total rejection of unconstitutional changes of government, and the necessity to recognise the reality on the ground. This study therefore employs both historical and comparative methodologies to assess the roles of these organisations in being true to the values of democracy as contained in their normative framework and the protocol, as well asalso examines the challenges faced in the context of the situations in Libya, Mali and Guinea Bissau.
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| 7 |
ID:
157763
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on research from five peri-urban sites across South Africa on how local government is responding to mobility, this research explores how xenophobia is being produced by local governance processes and structures. Building a better understanding of the mechanisms of exclusion in local government is essential not only for planning interventions that may strengthen democracy, but to understand how the daily practices of local government can promote, or undermine democracy.
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| 8 |
ID:
157768
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| Summary/Abstract |
There has been significant debate about the land occupations which occurred from the year 2000 in Zimbabwe, with a key controversy concerning the role of the state and ruling party (or party-state) in the occupations. This controversy, deriving from two grand narratives about the occupations, remains unresolved. A burgeoning literature exists on the Zimbabwean state’s fast-track land reform programme, which arose in the context of the occupations, but this literature is concerned mainly with post-occupation developments on fast-track farms. This article seeks to contribute to resolving the controversy surrounding the party-state and the land occupations by examining the occupations in the Shamva District of Mashonaland Central Province. The fieldwork for our Shamva study focused exclusively on the land occupations (and not on the fast-track farms) and was undertaken in May 2015. We conclude from our Shamva study that involvement by the party-state did not take on an institutionalised form but was of a personalised character entailing interventions by specific party and state actors.
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| 9 |
ID:
157769
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Africa’s urban systems change and transform with more women becoming educated and getting work outside the home and more men are confronting unemployment and retrenchment, an emerging phenomenon has surfaced challenging common gender identities and roles in the context of families. Current livelihood realities reconstruct and renegotiate how household needs are met and who meets these needs, consequently questioning traditional patriarchal dictates. Increasing numbers of women in Africa’s urban centres play breadwinning roles and become lifelines for their families. Unfortunately, research and literature say little about the experiences of these women as they navigate unusual social spaces. This article investigates the challenges that breadwinning women face and how they cope with these challenges in a Nigerian megacity. Data were gathered through In-depth Interviews (IDIs) with 20 female breadwinning families and the theoretical framework adopted is a triangulation of modernisation and patriarchy theories. Data analysis was done through content analysis and presented as ethnographic narratives and summaries. Important findings were made and presented in this article.
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| 10 |
ID:
157772
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the conceptual contradiction between a nationally uniform local government system as constitutionally provided in Nigeria, and, the principles of governance model that is presently believed to advance the course of service delivery in government. The paper argues that the straitjacketed constitutional provisions that require every state government to establish a patterned, uniform local government system, is conflict-generating, opposed to effective management and harnessing of local differences in a highly differentiated country like Nigeria, and averse to the multi-jurisdictional principle advocated by the proponents of the governance model. The focus of the paper therefore, is to investigate the extent the prescribed uniform system of local government hinders the application of the governance model that could advance the course of service delivery at the local level. The author suggests that contrary to the constitutional provisions on the nature of local government, which autonomy is not strongly protected by the constitution, the state governments should be allowed to determine the nature and structure of local governments in their domain to reduce the abuse of the local government system and entrench competitive local government practice. This will advance the greater use of local networks in local governance.
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