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| 1 |
ID:
158074
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is based on the hypothesis that the Egyptian institutional media played an active role in the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ revolution in 2011 and analyzes how Egypt's official newspapers constructed and presented a moderate and positive image of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter the Brotherhood) despite the fact that they had labeled the Brotherhood ‘the outlawed movement’ a year earlier. In order to examine whether their attitudes changed after the downfall of the Mubarak regime, a critical discourse analysis of newspaper texts has been made of the news columns written throughout 2011 of two of the most popular Egyptian newspapers – al-Ahram (n = 115) and al-Gumhuriyya (n = 94) both of which identify with the Egyptian government's official policy. In addition, an analysis made of three of the Brotherhood's publications (n = 72) (N = 281) revealed that the Brotherhood exploited the printed media not only to replace the regime but also to gain control of its narrative. Ultimately, by controlling the shaping of public opinion, the media contributed to the drawing of a parallel between the motivation that formed the basis of the mass protest and the Brotherhood's agenda.
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| 2 |
ID:
190113
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies the Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) second prison ordeal in Egypt between 1954–1964. Based on a collection of prison memoirs written by Brothers, the article explores in three parts how the MB developed socially, intellectually, and organisationally in prison during the reign of President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Beginning with the MB’s imprisonment in the aftermath of the President’s attempted assassination in 1954, the first part describes how the Brothers built a vibrant prison community for themselves within al-Wahat Camp. Against the backdrop of the Suez War in 1956, the second part demonstrates the debates that erupted among the Brothers on whether to support Nasser in the event of a war with Israel and the West. Following the Brothers’ ideological and physical separation between so-called Supporters and Opponents, the third part explores how an increasing antipathy towards Nasser developed among some of the Brothers in al-Mahariq Prison until their unexpected release in 1964. Thus, by acknowledging the prison institution as a crucial site for ideology-formation, this article ultimately seeks to explore not what state repression restricted the Brothers from doing, but what they managed to do in spite of it.
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