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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
157676
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the past decade, nation-states have started to utilize the cyber domain as a means to serve their national interest. An overview of the trend of cyberattacks in the last decade reveals that cyberattacks frequently follow incidents of international discord or conflict. Some nation-states have engaged in a cyberattack for the purpose of intervening in the domestic affairs of a nearby country. Therefore, cyber security has become a top priority in national and international security. In order to stop potential state adversaries conducting cyberattacks against national interest, strong national security policy measures, such as cyber deterrence, collective cyber security, and information sharing, have to be taken to prevent calamities of severe cyberattack.
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| 2 |
ID:
157675
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| Summary/Abstract |
Lao PDR, located in a geopolitically strategic area of the Mekong region, has served as a “buffer state” without being placed under any one country's influence, contributing to the status quo of regional power balance. The skillful balanced diplomacy of Lao PDR has enabled it to keep this position. Yet, in face of growing Chinese presence, how long will that be the case? With an emerging regional economy across borders in the Mekong region as the background, Lao PDR, a small, land-locked country, has achieved relatively high economic growth rates and has started to attract foreign direct investment in recent years. In this process, Japanese companies have started to invest in manufacturing there, and Japan-Laos business partnership has been taking off. Looking for further development, Lao PDR has been consolidating its position as the “battery of the Mekong,” a net exporter of electricity. By improving its connectivity with neighboring countries, Lao PDR has also been making untiring efforts to become a “land-linked” country, aiming to serve as a “logistic hub” for the region, taking advantage of its geopolitical advantage, Yet, many challenges exist before this goal is achieved.
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| 3 |
ID:
157674
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This article reviews China's diplomacy toward Southeast Asia and ASEAN chronologically from the 1990s to 2015, focusing on the changes that occurred during the second half of the Hu Jintao Administration and the further policy adjustments made during the first Xi Jinping Administration. While there are still many uncertainties regarding the policies, and many aspects are still in progress, this study provides an outline of the current period of change in China's relations with Southeast Asia and China's more active engagement in relations with ASEAN from the late 1990s through the early 21st century.
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| 4 |
ID:
157672
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses four commonly-held myths about the Trump Administration and explores whether the assertions made by political commentators and critics are based on fact.
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| 5 |
ID:
157673
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japanese participation in Peacekeeping Operations began in the balance between Constitutional and other legal constraints and demand for a larger international role in the post-Cold War era. The success of participation in the PKO in Cambodia and East Timor (UNTAC and UNTAET) created opportunities for further participation because of gradual acceptance of the participation of Self-Defense Forces (SDF) in UN PKOs. However, these successes did not change the fundamental constraints of the conditions for participation, namely the Five Principles on PKO participation. The arrival of the second Abe Administration, whose policy objective is to proactively contribute to peace, increased the expectation of Japan taking a much larger role in the UN PKOs, but the SDF participation South Sudan (UNMISS), which faced difficulties due to the lack of a firm ceasefire agreement and sudden breakout of civil war, raised questions of whether Abe’s policy was too aggressive. With the establishment of Peace and Security legislation, more proactive missions can be taken, but the necessity of national debate for building consensus about participating in PKOs still remains.
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| 6 |
ID:
157671
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| Summary/Abstract |
On November 3, 1946, the current Constitution of Japan was promulgated. Immediately before it came into effect on May 3, 1947, I was elected for the first time in the general election in April 1947 and entered national politics as a member of the House of Representatives. Since then, the Constitution of Japan moved through its 70-year-history, which overlaps my life as a politician at 99 years of age.
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