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| 1 |
ID:
146779
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the way in which historiography produced in Turkey (or by Turkish scholars abroad) approaches foreign military/diplomatic interventions in the Ottoman Empire during the long nineteenth century. It focuses on three case studies where ‘humanitarian reasons’ formed the discursive basis/justification of such interventions. The author argues that when the distinction between victims and perpetrators, civilians and combatants, emerges as an interpretive dilemma in the debates of the historical period examined, similar interpretive and normative challenges are inherited by the historiographical accounts of it. The paper distinguishes two contrasting ways in which Turkish historiographical scholarship responds to such a dilemma. The first remains confined by the way Ottomans themselves viewed the world around them and uncritically reproduces rigid categories of selfhood and otherhood between ‘us’ and ‘them’. The second trajectory offers tools for understanding the conflicts behind the construction of the category of the human worth of international protection, and disentangles itself from the normative bind described above.
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| 2 |
ID:
191865
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the propaganda campaign that advisors to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl Saʿūd (“Ibn Saud”) –– emir, later sultan, of Najd and, later again, king of Najd and Hijaz, and finally king of Saudi Arabia –– engaged in between 1918 and 1932. It argues that this prolonged campaign was as crucial to the establishment of the state as the sultan’s military conquest of the land. I term this a “campaign” because it was a connected attempt, having constant, clear messages emphasising ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s positive leadership qualities, his reformist, modernising intent, and a positive representation of Wahhabism. It also disparaged his enemies and emphasised the natural unity of his recently conquered land. The campaign was central to persuading regional and global powers of the viability of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s state-making project, and later, to gaining official diplomatic recognition of the Saudi state. The article studies this unfolding campaign through analysis of autobiographies, memoirs, travel and history books and articles written by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s advisors; critical engagement with recent ample information on these advisors found on Saudi websites and in Saudi history books and the press; and US diplomatic correspondence.
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| 3 |
ID:
152355
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through their interactions with French archaeologists from around 1930, Afghan historians formulated a new official historical identity for Afghanistan based on its pre-Islamic past. This article provides the first analysis of this process by tracing the emergence of the new historiography through the career of its chief promoter, Ahmad ʿAli Kuhzad, as curator of the National Museum (founded 1931) and director of the Afghan Historical Society (founded 1942). Through placing Kuhzad in these official institutional settings and reading his major works, the article shows how traditional Persianate historiography was challenged by an imported and amended version of world civilizational history. In the decades after independence in 1919, this new historical vision allowed the young Afghan nation-state to stake its civilizational claims on an international stage. In these previously unexcavated historiographical strata lie the roots of the Taliban's iconoclasm, which are revealed as a dialogical response to the state cultural institutions that remade Afghanistan as Aryana.
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| 4 |
ID:
126984
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that although the state elites of Singapore use “Venice” as an image to legitimate the People's Action Party's continuous rule and unpopular immigration policies, the image has both empowered and constrained the state. To the state, Venice serves as a keyword that conjures up dynamism, progress, and continuity; to its critics, however, Venice signals the state's willingness to focus on the intangible elements of nationhood, namely culture and the arts. These critics use the ambiguities of the Venice rhetoric to legitimate their own appeals for change, especially after discovering that the “shared vision” of Venice is mainly in economic terms. By so doing, detractors of the state contest the centrality of economics in the making of modern-and future-Singapore, rendering the use of “Venice” as an image to promote the concept of a Global City problematic.
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| 5 |
ID:
085890
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The historiography of Malay cultural production has a number of blind spots. In the case of the stamboel theatre and its related forms, this article addresses three of them: first, the transformation process from popular performing traditions to modern Westernized theatre, with a focus on individualization and intellectualization; second, the generally underrated or even negated contribution of Sino-Malay intellectuals/artists to that process; and third, the productive interweaving of the modern media of film, theatre and literature. The theoretical concept of the dispositif, in tandem with two concrete case studies - the highly successful stamboel ensembles Miss Riboet and Dardanell - will help circumscribe the adjustments required in the modernization process. Within this framework, the relevance of situational elements and the technical apparatus, altering modes of perception, the cultural phenomenon of stardom and the negotiation between oral stage productions and printed play scripts are discussed. All these aspects are brought together in a contextualization and evaluation of the early forms of modern Malay theatre and its contribution to the development of modern Indonesian culture.
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| 6 |
ID:
114010
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using the example of a local chronicle from early nineteenth-century Orissa, this article discusses the structure, content and strategy of selected historiographical texts of the period. Contemporary events and the immediate past can be identified in the texts and indeed govern their plots, reflecting a new representation of reality in historiography of this kind. Thus, the changing hegemonic order of such texts-where content begins to override form-mirrored the changing political world. Colonial discourse started to soak into Indian historiography.
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| 7 |
ID:
155787
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is an expectation today that International Relations (IR) theory ought to engage with philosophy as a meta-knowledge capable of grounding and legitimizing knowledge claims in the discipline. Two assumptions seem to lie behind this expectation: first, that only philosophy can supply the necessary meta-theoretical grounding needed; second, that theory is inherently a philosophical register of knowledge. This article treats these assumptions with scepticism. While not denying philosophy’s contribution to IR theory, the article makes the case for contextual intellectual history as an alternative mode of political and international theory. It seeks to shed light on the ‘philosophization of IR’ by depicting the broad contours of the historical and continuing rivalry between philosophy and history in the humanities and social sciences and, by reference to Machiavelli and Renaissance humanism, reminding the discipline of IR of the value of studying politics and international relations in a historical mode.
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| 8 |
ID:
151450
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines some manuscripts of the so-called “Anonymous Histories of Shah Esmāʿil” with a view to answering the question: How did people in post-1514 Iran remember the Battle of Chālderān? After a brief examination of these manuscripts, the article focuses on three moments of the battle—the Safavid council of war, Esmāʿil’s clash with Malquch-oghli, and the Ottoman cannonade—to explore the ways in which popular memory embellished and altered the events we know from the official histories. Such changes reveal that the loss at Chālderān may have marked the end of Shah Esmāʿil’s aura of invincibility, but not of his larger-than-life image in the minds of his countrymen.
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| 9 |
ID:
138246
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Battle of Gökdepe (1881) is considered to be a turning point in Turkmenistan’s contemporary historiography. It led to the then independent Turkmen (Akhal Tekke in this case) tribes coming under Russian control. Almost immediately after the event the battle became a controversial point of interpretation starting from Turkmen sources (rarely known to us), an immense number of Russian (mostly military) sources, up to the Soviet historians. The post-Soviet official Turkmen historiography of the event came from these foundations, but used its own mythological approach. As a result, the contemporary narrative of the Gökdepe defeat turned into a victory for the Akhal Tekke (and broadly Turkmen) nation. Additionally, this paper argues that the first and partly the second presidents of Turkmenistan incorporated the battle into their own personality cults, a fact which is still specific to the Central Asian context, albeit not unique in world history. In particular, the first president usurped the myth and connected it with his own historical narrative. The second president continues this in the frames of the already settled political culture in the country, adapting the Gökdepe myth to create his own ideological story. Therefore, the appropriation of the historical event in Turkmenistan represents a specific (albeit not unique) case of this kind and shows the way of thinking about the leader in current Turkmenistan.
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| 10 |
ID:
174140
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article engages with Kurdish ulamas’ and shaykhs’ relatively unknown narratives on manipulative shaykhs as a legitimate part of the story of Kurdish national history. The criticism against yalancı, fake, shaykhs from within the religious class is not encountered very often in Kurdish nationalist history writing. The stereotypical and generalizing approach to shaykhs in nationalist historiography hindered the diverse nature of religious class and silenced reformist discourses against the manipulation of religion. This article brings in the examples of ‘a-typical’ Kurdish ulama and shaykhs with national dreams, who delegitimized deceptive shaykhs by uncovering their deceits. As their narratives unfold, the diverse nature of the Kurdish religious class appears and the story of Kurdish nationalism becomes more complete. My findings also challenge the nationalist dichotomy that national and religious identities are exclusive of one another.
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| 11 |
ID:
105932
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
International relations as we know them emerged through the peace of Westphalia, and the discipline of International Relations emerged in 1919 and developed through a First Great Debate between idealists and realists. These are the established myths of 1648 and 1919. In this article we demonstrate how historical and historiographical scholarship has demolished these myths, but that the myths regardless are pervasive in the current textbooks that are used in teaching future IR scholars. Disciplinary dialogue seems to have failed completely. Based on a detailed reading of the myths and their perpetuation, we discuss the consequences of the discipline's reliance on mythical origins, why there has been so little incorporation of revisionist insight and what possibilities there are for enhancing the dialogue.
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| 12 |
ID:
183217
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores how International Studies as a scientific discipline emerged and developed in China, against the background of a Sinocentric world order that had predominated in East Asia for a long time. The argument of this article is threefold. First, the discipline relied heavily on historical, legal, and political studies, and placed a heavy focus on the investigation of China's integration into the Westphalian system. Second, studies of International Relations were grounded in a problem-solving approach to various issues China was facing at various times in the course of modernisation. Third, the historical development of International Studies in China has had a profound impact on the current IR scholarship in both the PRC and Taiwan, including the recent surge of attempts to establish a Chinese School of IR theory in China and the voluntary acceptance of Western IR in Taiwan. By way of conclusion, the article suggests that there is still an indigenous Chinese site of agency with regards to developing IR. This agency exists despite the fact that in the course of the disciplinary institutionalisation of IR Chinese scholars have largely absorbed Western knowledge.
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| 13 |
ID:
086179
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Those acquainted with the history of the Yishuv know that a deep gap can be found in both the quality and the quantity of research on the role of labor and left wing circles in Israel's nation building process and the part attributed to the right wing. This gap extends to the representation of Revisionist activity in the areas of pre-WW II illegal immigration, wartime aid, and rescue of Europe's Jews, participation in the fighting and in resistance in Europe, clandestine cooperation with the Allies, as well as in Bricha, illegal immigration, arms procurement, and the building of the Yishuv's armed forces in the wake of the World War until the establishment of the State. Can this gap be readily dismissed by the cliché that history is written by the victors, and that the movement that led the nation-building process in those decades also perpetuated its role and uncompromisingly and systematically excluded others from the story? Or was there a "history" of revisionist activity that hasn't so far given rise to a historiography representing its role in fitting scope and quality? Or perhaps there was indeed such a "history", but the movement's leaders chose not to explore it for their own reasons, and it was they who directly or indirectly, openly or covertly, ousted themselves from the story or consciously and intentionally contributed to their own exclusion? This article provides several observations on the makeup of this gap, its boundaries, and possible roots.
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| 14 |
ID:
116260
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2012.
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The article aims to offer a survey of the historiographical analysis of British counter-insurgency practices and campaigns since the publication of Armed Forces and Modern Counter-insurgency, edited by the author and the late John Pimlott in 1985. It is argued that the volume in question was influential at a time when there was little academic interest in counter-insurgency in Britain. Moreover, the subject generally had been little studied in Britain in the past beyond work by a handful of military writers and theorists. Arguably, the analytical framework followed in Armed Forces and Modern Counter-insurgency holds its value even after over a quarter of a century. Since the 1980s, however, it has become apparent that the subject is of increasing academic interest, not least in terms of the ongoing debate on the nature and application of the concept of 'minimum force' in British campaigns.
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| 15 |
ID:
076274
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2006.
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This article examines the political dimension of historiography in contributing to the Lao nation-state building project, with particular reference to institutional and social forms of Lao political culture, the role of minority groups during the Revolution and the lingering shadow of the country's aristocratic past. Reference is made to several key issues in current Lao historiography. The article also raises the issue of the respective political responsibilities of Lao and foreign historians in helping to construct a national history.
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| 16 |
ID:
148882
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| Summary/Abstract |
Politics has subverted historiography in India for nearly two centuries.
The tendency has persisted even after independence due to political
patronage
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| 17 |
ID:
075305
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2006.
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Thailand has a long, well-established practice of publishing books to commemorate events and personages. Among these are volumes commemorating deceased persons which are distributed to participants at cremation ceremonies. They contain obituaries written by the deceased's superiors, peers, and subordinates as well as relatives. Commemorative books are also published by government agencies, private companies, schools and individuals. While most are published in the Thai language, Chinese communities in Thailand also produce a large number of such books in Chinese. There has been no slackening of the practice; rather the publication of commemorative books has been gaining strength over the past decades.
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| 18 |
ID:
027632
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| Publication |
London, Frances Pinter ( Publishers)., 1987.
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| Description |
218p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0861876652
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029304 | 944.08/HOW 029304 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
131332
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper employs previously unused archival sources to highlight some of the misconceptions and debates which surround the Japanese National Police Reserve (1950-1952), the precursor to today's Ground Self Defense Force. The paper, which is the first on the National Police Reserve in English, examines much of the current historiography's categorisation of the Reserve as an army, based on a very thin set of sources, and contrasts this with the content of the primary sources in an attempt to reveal the true character of the force. In doing so it also attempts to assess the relative importance of the internal and external influences behind the NPR's creation. The article and its conclusions will be valuable in deepening the understanding of the character of the NPR and its position in the broader histories of the Occupation of Japan, Japanese security policy and Japan's Cold War(s).
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| 20 |
ID:
180616
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paper seeks to locate the violence perpetrated on the bodies of the coolies in colonial Assam. The paper observes that the existing historiography on tea plantations in colonial Assam restricts corporeal violence on the coolies within the boundaries of the plantation estates and does not talk about the permeation of such violence to spaces and coolies totally outside of the plantation production process. This paper, with the evidence from a case from nineteenth-century Assam, extends the limits of corporeal violence on the coolies beyond the physical setup of the plantations. The paper proposes that histories of corporeal violence on labour in the colonial era need to look beyond the peripheries of the plantations and towards the social regimes of power under colonialism. The paper demonstrates the complicit character of the state and newly landed and moneyed native classes in the colony, which aggravated the magnitudes of violence on labour.
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