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ID:
159167
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| Summary/Abstract |
The choice facing China today is whether it will follow the precedent set by Otto von Bismarck—which appears to be its stated goal—or whether it will (intentionally or unintentionally) follow the path of another German leader, Kaiser Wilhelm, and pursue a policy of military growth, territorial and/or maritime expansionism, and a relative disregard for the concerns of its neighbors. The South China Sea will be an important test case, an arena where China's choices will impact its relations with its neighbors and other great powers like the United States.
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| 2 |
ID:
159166
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| Summary/Abstract |
Building “a new model of major-country relations,” particularly with the United States, has become one of China's major foreign policy objectives. Yet, outside of China, the concept is often seen as an empty slogan with no practical utility. By examining both the concept of the new model of major-country relations (NMMCR) and China's climate cooperation with the United States, I argue that the concept and initiative of NMMCR—with its emphasis on a common fate and shared futures, viewed as a means of achieving cooperation rather than conflict to achieve common goals— reflects well the changing environment of the twenty-first century and is thus a positive new development in China's foreign policy.
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| 3 |
ID:
159164
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the early 2000s, energy security has appeared frequently in Chinese policy statements. The focus is on security of supply, even if the discourse is becoming more attentive to other dimensions, such as environmental sustainability. Securitization theory can shed light on this specific threat construction and its implications for China and Chinese foreign policy. Applying securitization theory and reviewing existing debates, I show how the construction of an external threat and a focus on securing access to oil downplay other vulnerabilities and contribute to the perception among China's neighbors and others of a Chinese threat, despite new Chinese security discourses to the contrary. I argue that two factors contribute to this threat construction and its resilience: the role of national oil companies and the limited mobilizing power of environmental and climate security discourses.
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| 4 |
ID:
159163
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| Summary/Abstract |
From 1978 to roughly 1990, China focused on “bringing in” foreign direct investment. After 1990 it began “going out” in earnest as part of its new diplomacy. Between 1990 and 2005, China's outbound investment was concentrated in the developing world. Since 2005, China has expanded its overseas investment to the developed world, and in recent years such activities have accelerated. This qualitative transformation of China's global business expansion is taking place as China is poised to overtake the United States to become the world's largest economy. What explains China's new wave of global investment? How will it affect international political economy? What challenges do China's businesses face in the West? Through empirical analysis, this study examines the rationale, strategies, and impact of China's growing investment in the West.
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| 5 |
ID:
159165
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conventional studies of Chinese aid to Africa typically neglect China's six decades of donor experience, and de-emphasize the distinct historical relationships that China holds with African countries and the ideological and geopolitical contexts in which these relations were built. Applying the framework of relationality that highlights the role of social relationships in defining rational actions, I provide an alternative perspective on Chinese aid by analyzing the ideological and Cold War dynamics that shaped China's early Mao era aid allocation and the impact of these initial ties on contemporary Chinese policymakers' choices about where to direct Chinese aid.
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| 6 |
ID:
159162
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