|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
154825
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The appointment of Chinese bishops of the Catholic Church is generally considered as the biggest obstacle in the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and the Vatican. However, due to the special nature of the identity and status of Catholic bishops, there are continuous confrontations and gaming between the Vatican and the Chinese Government as well as its religious administrative department, manifested as confrontations between religious social groups and the administrative power, between the principle of Catholic hierarchy and the principle of independence and autonomy in the self-management of the Church. The root of these confrontations lies in the competition for the leadership and appointment of future Catholic Church leaders. Therefore, in this context, the state–society relationship is strained, as reflected by the interactions between the Catholic Church in China and the government. The Catholic Church is faced with a choice between God and Caesar. Such a situation, even if China and the Vatican could reach an agreement on the appointment of bishops, will not change and confrontations are likely to occur.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
154821
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Through interviews and content analyses, this article conducted a comparative study of the drafting of China’s Internet Security Law (ISL) and E-Commerce Law (ECL). Although both had multiparty participants, they had very different substantive outcomes. Contrary to formalistic participation in the ISL, the ECL’s drafting involved considerable communication and negotiation. This difference was intended by the central party given its interests, and it was realized through its control over the scope, principle, direction and focus of the participation in the drafting, which is referred to as ‘leadership control’. This confirms the existence of consultative authoritarianism in China’s central lawmaking systems. The difference contributes to the theory by outlining indirect institutionalized control of the central party. This mode of control causes the authoritarian regime within the legal framework to occasionally be responsive and consultative, and at times fragmented, in realizing its interest in different situations. Such a polity still presents limits in terms of relieving contradictions in China. Power manipulation and attitudinal and fragmented problems can exaggerate such differences and result in the drafting of unreasonably polarized legislation. Interests and substantive power are essential for determining the limits and evolving directions of consultative authoritarianism. For further democratization, leadership control must be limited by the constitution and such limits must be afforded substantive power to become real and practical.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
154822
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers why cronyism and military corruption remained rampant in the post-Deng Xiaoping era, despite the PLA’s progress toward modernization and professionalization. In theory, the bifurcation of civilian and military elites and the demise of ‘supreme leaders’ provide the PLA with greater autonomy vis-à-vis the Party, whereas the persistence of personalistic power in decision-making creates opportunities for upper-level leaders to place trusted associates in key posts. The lack of effective checks and balances thus facilitates the misuse of power for private ends and gives rise to cronyism and corruption. Relatedly, the Party’s command of the gun is at risk if and when the promotion of military officers conforms more to the exercise of personalistic power than to the prescribed procedures of Party control. Moreover, several major cases of military corruption reveal that the weakening of Party oversight may be a remedy worse than the disease.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
154824
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
As China continues to open up to the transnational circulation of labor, ideas, technology and capital under globalization, we must wonder: will Chinese society’s more cosmopolitan and transnational groups continue to be guided by guanxi? The authors conducted 40 in-depth interviews with Chinese physicists at 11 research universities in three cities in order to examine the role of ethics, including guanxi, in the professional lives of one of China’s most cosmopolitan populations, the elite scientific community. Analysis reveals, counter-intuitively, that Chinese physicists very much think about guanxi in relation to their research grants and scientific collaboration, that the ethical connotation of guanxi is contextual, and that some see it as a double-edged sword. They realize that guanxi can empower the individual scientist and the scientific community even as it weakens them both.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
154823
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the evolving process of China’s information management at sub-national level through the prism of a crisis event. Specifically, it investigates the response of officials and the media to Beijing’s fatal floods of 2012—the heaviest and the deadliest floods the Chinese capital has seen in 60 years. The article draws on ethnographic observations, the analysis of interviews with Chinese media professionals, officials and media scholars, as well as the coverage of the storm by two prominent, but distinct Beijing news outlets: an official daily, Beijing Ribao and a commercial daily, Jinghua Shibao. The analysis reveals various strategies deployed by Beijing authorities to positively shape public opinion, and the media’s creative implementation of official directives. Namely, the two newspapers fused regular news coverage with different styles of positive framing. This process of mutual and diverse adaption highlights the increasingly dynamic nature of China’s crisis communication and public opinion management.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
154826
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In the past two decades, China’s national oil companies have become new players in the international oil industry. When they first entered the global scene in the 1990s, Chinese NOCs held few competitive advantages over international oil companies. They lacked the organizational capabilities and expertise to manage large projects overseas and had little experience with political and security risk. This article argues that political, social and security dynamics in the host countries of Chinese NOCs can play a transformative role in shaping their competitiveness and global strategy. It demonstrates how experiences in Sudan and South Sudan were instrumental in leveraging the competitiveness of the China National Petroleum Corporation, China’s largest oil company, particularly through developing its risk management capabilities, and steering its global strategy towards a more diverse and balanced investment portfolio.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
154818
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a seminal event in China’s recent history. The AIIB is the first multinational financial institution instigated by China. The broad opportunity for soft power influence for China is clear. Less clear are the specifics on how or what this soft power opportunity will mean and how it will be delivered. This article examines the core phrase/narrative developed by China to describe the AIIB, which is that this institution will be ‘lean, clean and green’. This narrative is explored using the framework developed by Miskimmon, O’Loughlin and Roselle. This article presumes that China’s expression that the AIIB is a ‘lean, clean and green’ institution is not simply a superficial phrase. Therefore the article holds China accountable for the policy contours and promises it has made in relation to the AIIB. However, this article’s aim is primarily to explore the hopeful and real opportunities for China to realise soft power and international leadership in this phrasing of ‘lean, clean and green’. This can be realised if this narrative, created by China, is used authentically to support the AIIB’s institutional operations and future projects. Conversely, if this phrase is superficially applied, there will be a risk of the loss of soft power through the international communities’ perception of inauthenticity.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
154820
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Empowered by the media, legislations in China have, over recent years, been increasingly influenced by public focusing events. Many national legislations have been triggered by public focusing events, rather than being entirely pre-determined by the Party or by the government. After a detailed empirical study of 132 public focusing events and national legislations between 2003 and 2016, the article explores the features, the reasons, and the advantages and disadvantages of legislations triggered by public focusing events. In these ‘pressure-induced legislations’, the public focusing events serve as catalysts that create a new consensus or demand for new laws and regulations that are enacted over a short period of time, thereby influencing the national legislation. Compared to traditional Chinese legislations, pressure-induced legislations are more efficient and more responsive to the needs of the general public, but they also carry the danger of irrational judgments being made, leading to the enactment of improper laws or regulations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
154827
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
How did Tibet become part of the modern Chinese state? Even today, as Tibet is an internationally recognized part of the People’s Republic of China, the evasive meaning of ‘Chinese suzerainty over Tibet’ is a reverberant point of contention in nationalist debates. The question of whether ‘suzerainty’ more strongly implicates Tibetan independence or Chinese sovereignty is a false controversy that has impeded progress in understanding China’s transition from empire to nation-state. This article examines Anglo–Chinese diplomatic negotiations following the 1904 British invasion of Tibet using newly uncovered Chinese archival documents to demonstrate the central role played by the appropriation and manipulation of international legal discourse in determining Tibet’s status in the international system and offers a generalizable theory of the mechanics of international order transformation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
154819
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The global public’s growing interest in China and the controversial debates around international media’s coverage of the country make it vital to investigate how China is represented in such reports. The existing literature, however, only examines which topics international China coverage addresses. This article assesses how the country is covered focusing on the use of quotes. Besides showing who is quoted in articles from the leading weekly publications, The Economist (UK), Newsweek (US), Der Spiegel and Die Zeit (Germany) as well as Le Monde Diplomatique (France), it links local reporting conditions with the types of sources that are quoted. Methodologically, the article combines quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles and qualitative expert interviews with foreign correspondents based in Beijing. Key findings are that reflecting the Chinese government’s controls and public relations (PR) efforts, the Chinese central government is by far the most frequently quoted state institution, while others, such as local government or the police, hardly appear at all. Because of Chinese scholars’ growing reluctance to speak to them, foreign journalists rely heavily on experts working abroad. Lastly, Chinese news products are heavily drawn upon, both for direct quotes and story ideas, mainly because they are easily accessible.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|