|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
160438
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A policy instrument can take on multi-dimensional objectives as additional elements are added over time. I examine this through analysis of the ‘support card’ established by the Turkish district municipality of Başakşehir. In this case, a market-based system of income support and instrument for partizan mobilization subsequently transformed into a technology demonstration project. The appearance of multiple objectives is the result of the juxtaposition of target audiences, including a European-based innovation network, low income urban residents, local businesses, and volunteers for the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) party. This analysis also contributes to a better conceptualization of the AKP's capacity to enhance its legitimacy beyond electoral mobilization.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
160437
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
International relations (IR) scholarship rests on a conception of ‘the international’ based on the experiences of core actors. A burgeoning literature has asked what IR would look like if non-core actors’ conceptions of ‘the international’ were also considered. This article analyzes conceptions of ‘the international’ in Turkey as an example of a non-core context. In doing this, the article develops and offers a new analytical framework which breaks down the components of conceptions of ‘the international’ into three questions: ‘what’, ‘who’, and ‘where’ of world politics – namely, the main dynamics of world politics, the main actors of world politics, and the location where world politics takes place. I utilize this framework to empirically analyze the election manifestos and party programs of the political parties in Turkey, and tease out their conceptions of ‘the international.’ The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for IR scholarship in general.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
160440
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
There have been many discussions about property disputes between Turkish and Greek Cypriots since 1963, when Turkish Cypriots were ousted from the administration of the Republic of Cyprus. Representatives of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots have been negotiating to find a lasting solution to the ‘Cyprus Problem’ since 1968. One of the main issues of the negotiations is how to find a solution in a bi-zonal federation to the property problem, which started in 1964 for the Turkish Cypriots and 1974 for the Greek Cypriots. Any kind of comprehensive settlement plan would include restitution, exchange, and compensation to resolve property disputes. Therefore, prior to any solution, this study aims to contribute to estimating the cost of compensation of properties through a mass valuation methodology. The study also investigates the cost of relocation of dispossessed owners and current users due to reinstatement. The study demonstrates, in various analyses, the amount needed for compensation of properties that would be left in the South and in the North by Turkish and Greek Cypriot owners, respectively.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
160434
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers a critical rereading of Şerif Mardin’s center–periphery framework. This cleavage has offered a simple and politically appealing theoretical foundation to scholarly and journalistic works for several decades. Empirical evidence, however, suggests institutions and worldviews have not been continuous across time, as the center–periphery framework suggests. Furthermore, disagreements and conflicts among groups perceived as peripheral, the fluidity of relationships between peripheral and central actors, and the lack of cohesion within the institutions of the center leave no reason to maintain the center–periphery cleavage as an organizing framework. The authoritarian turn in Turkey in the 2010s under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi invites further scrutiny of the framework. Future research should take into consideration historical patterns and events that do not fit into the binary framework, pay attention to micro-level dynamics within and between social actors and institutions, incorporate strategic decision making into theoretical models, acknowledge the interconnectedness and hybridity of ideologies and worldviews, and conduct comparative research.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
160436
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In 2012, the main opposition party in Turkey, the CHP, accused the ruling AKP of making ideological and unscientific educational reforms. By using discourse analysis, this study examines the debate in the Committee on National Education, Culture, Youth and Sport of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and scrutinizes how politicians articulate the discourse of private Islam. Furthermore, it explicates how this discourse obscures the state’s power over Islam. Although the parties advocated different educational policies in the 2012 debate, their articulation reinforces the hegemonic configuration of power by which the state as a public institution controls private Islam.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
160435
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A number of reforms and initiatives, undertaken by the Justice and Development Party (AKP or AK Party) governments in Turkey, widely known as Kurdish and Alevi ‘openings,’ and the less prominent non-Muslim (primarily Armenian and Jewish) openings, have puzzled scholars as to their causes, consequences, and limitations. In this article, I first briefly review four different kinds of analytical accounts that seek to explain the AK Party’s openings. Second, I introduce my argument that an Islamic conceptualization of a new religious-national identity is both the main motivation and the main limitation of these reformist initiatives. Third, I provide an analysis of critical speeches, official statements, and declarations by AK Party leaders, in particular by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, on the Kurdish, Alevi, and non-Muslim openings, demonstrating that they invoke overwhelmingly religious justifications.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
160439
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper estimates the annual and present value of the future deficits of the Pay-As-You-Go (PAYGO) Civil Service and Social Security pension systems in Northern Cyprus. The historical and political context that led to their current design is reviewed. The quantitative analysis covers the period from 2015 until the last person now contributing retires and dies. The findings indicate that the system is not sustainable unless major reforms are implemented. Various parametric reform options are also assessed in this study. The estimated unfunded cost of these pension plans is found to be so large that none of these reforms alone is effective in fixing the fiscal imbalances already created. Structural reforms in the context of an overall income tax reform are needed to reduce the generosity of the pensions formula, increase in the age of retirement and increase the rates of contribution.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|