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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
134683
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines Lebanon’s political dynamics in the context of the 2011 Arab protest wave, and seeks to integrate events in the small republic within the broader literature written on the contagion effects of the uprisings. It argues that the uprisings’ trajectories provide a terrain to better understand Lebanon’s politics of sectarianism and their interactions with the region’s upheavals. The article focuses on analyzing how power-sharing along sectarian lines exacerbates conflict while hampering collective action and democratic advances.
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| 2 |
ID:
134686
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the impact of water on the relationships between Turkey and its downstream riparian states, Syria and Iraq. This article defines water resources in international standards and examines the historical relationships between the three states, which have been complicated by the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP). Examining the history of Turco-Iraqi and Turco-Syrian relations, this article shows that GAP, though a point of contention, has not been the principal factor governing the relations between the three countries.
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| 3 |
ID:
134685
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| Summary/Abstract |
In early June 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and a constellation of Sunni Arab tribes and former Ba‘thists captured Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city. Much of the Iraqi Armed Forces disintegrated, and the rest fled southward from the Sunni rebel advance.1 As most of the majority–Sunni Arab areas of the country quickly fell to the insurgents, Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s government scrambled to fortify Baghdad’s defenses. Peshmerga (Kurdish fighters) of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), meanwhile, took the opportunity to advance farther south and take control of virtually all the territories disputed between Erbil and Baghdad, including Kirkuk, which has some four percent of the world’s proven oil reserves around it. As authorities in Baghdad struggled to mount a response to the breathtaking developments, ISIS declared the establishment of a new Islamic caliphate straddling Syria and Iraq, and the KRG announced their intention to hold a referendum for Kurdish independence.2 More than ever before, the dissolution of Iraq suddenly appeared both likely and imminent.
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| 4 |
ID:
134687
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arab League Summit in Beirut on March 27/28, 2002, adopted an initiative to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. The Arab Peace Initiative (Mubadarat al-Salam al-‘Arabiyya), as it soon became known, was a modified version of a Saudi initiative, and was first unveiled in an interview of Crown Prince ‘Abdullah of Saudi Arabia by American journalist Thomas Friedman, on February 17 of that year. Israel learned of the API at the height of the second Palestinian uprising, the al-Aqsa Intifada, and therefore it did not elicit a serious response. However, it remained on the Arab League agenda ever since, regularly reaffirmed by successive league summits. In other words, the API has been an available policy option for more than a decade, yet no Israeli government has embraced it as a viable peace option.
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| 5 |
ID:
134684
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines and analyzes the dilemma of power-sharing as Lebanese leaders turned to the task of consolidating state institutions and rules of governance after the Syrian withdrawal in 2005. It argues that Lebanese political groups’ difficulties in sharing power were largely attributable to the lack of external support for the regulation of conflict. This article emphasizes the relationship of internal parties and external powers to the maintenance of peace and power-sharing institutions.
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