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| 1 |
ID:
131095
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nigeria is currently faced with serious domestic challenges. While the state is not officially at war, it is standing on the precipice, especially with the eruption of violence occasioned by the emergence of the Boko Haram sect and the tenuous peace in the Niger Delta. With the 2015 general elections on the horizon, fears of further violence and disintegration are rife, more so because of the debate over who occupies the Presidential Villa at Abuja. President Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner, seems poised for a comeback even amidst the vociferous challenge posed by the political elites of northern Nigeria. This article looks at the different scenarios that might play out in 2015. It analyses the challenges of the survival of the Nigerian state, and makes some policy recommendations that Nigeria and its people need to put into place in order to ensure its survival beyond 2015.
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| 2 |
ID:
157656
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The article analyzes the election of the President of Mongolia held in the summer of 2017. It concentrates on the foreign policy aspects of the election campaign. The main themes of the foreign policy aspect of the election were relations with Russia, China, and foreign investors. As to Russia, all candidates were unanimously in favor of drawing closer to it, but as far as China was concerned, heated discussions unfolded around the subject, which is explained by a whole range of problems existing in Sino-Mongo-lian relations.
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| 3 |
ID:
158537
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To what extent do presidential candidates influence voting in mixed member legislative elections? A sizable literature addresses presidential–legislative coattail effects in the American context, with less attention given to this interaction in non-Western democracies. Nor is the role of past voting behavior adequately assessed in the literature. Taiwan's historic 2016 election allows for an analysis of the extent in which the popularity of presidential candidates influences coattail voting in the more complex electoral environment of two-vote mixed legislative systems. Evidence finds that, controlling for partisanship and previous voting behavior, voters who supported a presidential candidate were more likely to also support the party's legislative candidates, although this influence is stronger in regards to Democratic Progressive Party's Tsai Ing-wen.
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| 4 |
ID:
144137
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Konark Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2015.
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| Description |
xxxiv, 298p.hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. III (1930-1931): Prepares nation for Salt Satyagraha first imprisonment and jail diary
President Indian National Congress.
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| Standard Number |
9789322008444
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058586 | 954.035/CHO 058586 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 5 |
ID:
087714
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As members of the ethnic group to which the American President's paternal family belongs, Luo people in Kenya and in the diaspora have been eagerly claiming Barack Obama as 'their own' since 2004. This embrace speaks to a range of ethno-political developments in Kenya throughout the twentieth century. Luo identity has been primarily constituted within a diasporic context, beginning with the large-scale labour migrations of the early twentieth century and continuing with the activities of the 'dot.com' generation into the present. Simultaneously, patrimonial politics constituted along ethnic lines have rendered Luos political outsiders and heightened the urgency of securing a powerful patron. Given these two trends, Luo people at home and abroad have reached into the diaspora with hopes of finding their biggest 'Big Man' in the figure of Barack Obama.
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| 6 |
ID:
184025
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SUMMER 2021 marked the 110th birth anniversary of Georges Pompidou, the second prime minister and second president of the Fifth Republic. The life of this energetic and exuberant man was cut short by a protracted and severe illness that prevented him from completing his seven-year presidential term. This exceptional man and his unconventional political career deserve much more attention than he receives in Russia.
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| 7 |
ID:
087420
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2009.
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On 14 July 2008, after much advance publicity and fanfare, the procecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Luis Moreno-Ocampo, applied for a warrant of arrest against the president of Sudan, Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bahsir, on charges that included conspiracy to commit genocide along with other war crimes.
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| 8 |
ID:
178281
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To what extent do supporters of electoral losers and nonvoters maintain lower evaluations of institutions post-election? A sizable literature identifies a divergence in perceptions among winners and losers regarding democratic satisfaction, with few studies extending this to perceptions of other electoral and nonelectoral institutions nor to include nonvoters. The timing of the 2015 Asian Barometer survey in South Korea allows us to identify evaluation prior to Park Geun-Hye’s impeachment scandal. Analysis consistently finds that those who supported the losing presidential candidate in 2012 maintained lower evaluations of institutions, with inconsistent results regarding nonvoters.
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| 9 |
ID:
140540
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Har-Anand Publications Pvt Ltd, 1997.
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| Description |
317p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
812415022
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039746 | 923.154/IND 039746 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
025721
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| Publication |
London, Allen Lane the Penguin press, 1971.
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| Description |
635p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Includes index.
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| Standard Number |
071390180
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007730 | 923.162/STE 007730 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
156191
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| 12 |
ID:
166149
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How do the president's calculations in achieving policy goals shape the allocation of cabinet portfolios? Despite the growing literature on presidential cabinet appointments, this question has barely been addressed. I argue that cabinet appointments are strongly affected not only by presidential incentives to effectively deliver their key policy commitments but also by their interest in having their administration maintain strong political leverage. Through an analysis of portfolio allocations in South Korea after democratization, I demonstrate that the posts wherein ministers can influence the government's overall reputation typically go to nonpartisan professionals ideologically aligned with presidents, while the posts wherein ministers can exert legislators' influence generally go to senior copartisans. My findings highlight a critical difference in presidential portfolio allocation from parliamentary democracies, where key posts tend to be reserved for senior parliamentarians from the ruling party.
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| 13 |
ID:
158862
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In November 2017, for the first time in 41 years, the U.S. Congress held a hearing [2] to consider changes to the president’s authority to launch nuclear weapons. Although Senator Bob Corker of Tennessee, the Republican chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, insisted that the hearing was “not specific to anybody,” Democrats used the opportunity to air concerns that President Donald Trump might stumble into nuclear war [3]. After all, he had threatened to unleash “fire and fury” on North Korea, and he subsequently boasted in a tweet about the size of the figurative “nuclear button” on his desk in the Oval Office. General C. Robert Kehler—a former head of U.S. Strategic Command, the main organization responsible for fighting a nuclear war—tried to calm senators’ fears about an irresponsible president starting such a war on a whim. He described how the existing process for authorizing the launch of nuclear weapons would “enable the president to consult with his senior advisers” and reminded the senators that officers in the chain of command are duty-bound to refuse an illegal order.
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| 14 |
ID:
057593
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| 15 |
ID:
076111
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| 16 |
ID:
025049
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| Publication |
Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1989.
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| Description |
ix, 408p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
195623517
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030856 | 923.154/GOP 030856 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
185673
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do some immigrant groups succeed in influencing the U.S. government to impose economic sanctions on their former dictators, while others do not? This paper begins by noting that the president is the pivotal player in sanctions policy and that presidents cater to voters in swing states. Therefore, a diaspora’s proportion of the swing-state electorate should determine whether the American government imposes sanctions on their former homeland. Considering dictatorships from 1946 to 2005, this paper finds that a one-percentage-point increase in the diaspora’s proportion of the swing-state electorate increases the probability of regime-change sanctions by 11 percentage points. It then calculates causal estimates of the effectiveness of these sanctions on regime change. Using the diaspora’s proportion of the swing-state electorate as an instrumental variable for the presence of economic sanctions, it finds that sanctions do not have a positive, statistically-significant impact on regime change while a negative impact is plausible.
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| 18 |
ID:
108695
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| 19 |
ID:
175597
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, analysts and academics have noted the contentious relationship between the president and the Intelligence Community (IC). Press and media reports describing the difficult relationship between President Trump in particular and the IC often reference trust, characterizing relations as based on mutual distrust. In a 2017 interview, Jeffrey Counsel, former legal counsel at the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), told reporter Judy Woodruff that he found Trump’s tweets about the IC “deeply disturbing and potentially very dangerous.” He noted that “They’re disturbing because he seems to be saying, I don’t trust the intelligence community.”
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| 20 |
ID:
122850
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