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ID:
161501
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article we examine how the phrase “China and Thailand are brothers” became the diplomatic discourse that both countries commonly use to articulate their cordial relations. First, we trace the historical contexts in which the discourse was constructed and how this discourse played a crucial role in encouraging overseas Chinese to integrate into Thai society in the early twentieth century. Second, we explain how the discourse provided insights for Thai and Chinese political elites relevant to the transformation of their nations' foreign policies toward Sino-Thai normalization during the Cold War. We further demonstrate how the discourse has reinforced a certain perception of Sino-Thai relations since diplomatic normalization between the two countries. Finally, we suggest a rethinking of the implications of diplomatic discourse with Chinese characteristics to better understand China's relationship with foreign countries in general and with Thailand in particular.
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| 2 |
ID:
161503
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| 3 |
ID:
161497
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article I explore the connection between historically based emotional issues and economic interests in China-Japan relations by analyzing the linkage between China's renunciation of war reparations and Japan's official development assistance (ODA) to China. I argue that there is no legal linkage between the two, and previous scholarship about the linkage between the ODA and reparations involves emotional arguments or entanglements surrounding “assistance” and “history.” I conclude that, in explaining China-Japan relations, there exists a “dual gratitude theory,” related to history and assistance, as well as a “dual obligation and enmity theory.” In the first decade of the twenty-first century, the chain reaction of mutual recrimination between the two countries became increasingly unmanageable, apparently continuing to the present day.
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| 4 |
ID:
161498
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since coming to power in Myanmar, the National League for Democracy (NLD) has unambiguously indicated that it will carry out Burma's foreign policy as it was established during the country's foundation (i.e., an “independent, active and nonaligned foreign policy”). Retrospectively, we can trace the historical precedents of the NLD's foreign policy to Burma's foreign policy in the period of the Korean War in 1953. Using Burmese, Chinese, Indian, and US official documentation, and following an international history approach, I explore the background, process, and effects of Sino-Burmese relations in the period of 1953 to 1955 as an entirety. Thus, in this article I offer important historical insights to contemporary Burmese foreign relations.
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| 5 |
ID:
161496
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| 6 |
ID:
161499
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| Summary/Abstract |
The intense and volatile relations between China and Vietnam in the dyadic world of the Cold War have drawn scholarly attention to the strategic concerns of Beijing and Hanoi. In this article I move the level of analysis down to the border space where the peoples of the two countries meet on a daily basis. I examine the tug-of-war between the states and smuggling networks on the Sino-Vietnamese border during the second half of the twentieth century and its implications for the present-day bilateral relationship. I highlight that the existence of the historically nonstate space was a security concern for modernizing states in Asia during and after the Cold War, which is an understudied aspect of China's relations with Vietnam and with its Asian neighbors more broadly. The border issue between China and its Asian neighbors concerned not only territorial disputes and demarcation but also the establishment of state authority in marginal societies.
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| 7 |
ID:
161502
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this study we analyze Korea's official development assistance (ODA) projects in Sri Lanka to derive policy issues for sustainable development of developing countries. In a two-step process, we first propose improvements based on the results of ODA projects in Sri Lanka, and second derive policy issues for improvements proposed in the first step through a Delphi analysis of expert surveys. Improvements are summarized in four categories: enhancing environmental policies in developing countries through specialized ODA projects, enhancing public awareness of environmental issues through ODA projects that directly benefit citizens, increasing communication and cooperation between recipient and donor countries through jointly planned ODA projects, and implementing follow- up management of ODA projects. The results of the study not only can contribute to the effective implementation of future ODA projects but also can be used as basic data to examine when establishing national policies.
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| 8 |
ID:
161500
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| Summary/Abstract |
After World War II, suffering from a severe workforce shortage and unprecedented economic devastation, the Soviet Union encouraged the immigration of Chinese citizens from Xinjiang into Soviet Central Asia. Despite the arbitrary behavior of local authorities, the immigrants were successfully integrated into Soviet society. But after 1963, many of the Chinese “defectors” began to be considered a threat to national security, and the KGB (Committee of State Security) arrested a good number of them. I argue that the Sino-Soviet split affected the mentality and immigration policies of the Soviet Union, much like current relations between China and the Central Asian states shape the attitude of the latter toward new arrivals from China. This article is based on research in the Kyrgyz and Kazakh archives.
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