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ID:
169364
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| Summary/Abstract |
Africa’s relationship with the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been strained over the past few years. Threats by a number of African states to withdraw from the ICC’s jurisdiction have marked a crescendo in the strained relationship. This study looks at the issues surrounding the proposed or threatened mass withdrawal by African countries and the implications for peace and justice in the African continent. Utilising interviews with a cross section of key informants including members of the African diplomatic community resident in Zimbabwe, this study highlights that it is difficult for African states to withdraw en masse since not all states are agreeable to this stance. The study further highlights that although the ICC is not a perfect institution, it is the only alternative court of last resort that can deal with human rights and international humanitarian law violations as well as impunity in the continent. The proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) has not yet taken root owing to a shortage of adequate ratifications of the protocol establishing it. Thus, although concerns of unfair targeting of African leaders and individuals by the ICC could be considered valid, African states need to find a way of establishing a cordial relationship with the ICC to ensure the protection of individual rights while they establish regional institutions to deal with cases currently being referred to the ICC.
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| 2 |
ID:
162418
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article makes the point that African states with significant strategic resources and democratic governance systems bargain better in economic and development assistance engagements with China and other partners. In democratic African states, non-state actors play critical complementary roles to the state, leading to multi-faceted forms of African agency. For non-democratic states, a significant limiting factor in their agency is the lack of working relationships between the state and non-state actors. Concomitantly, such states find themselves with weak bargaining and negotiating capacities. If African agency is to be assertive, then state and non-state actors should work together when engaging external partners.
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| 3 |
ID:
175114
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper focuses on the question of labour rights in Chinese construction companies in Zimbabwe. Utilizing data collected from two companies through interviews with mainly artisans, the study established general discontentment with conditions of work in these companies by local workers. Concerns were raised over lack of adequate protective equipment/clothing, low salaries and poor communication systems among others. The government of Zimbabwe was urged (by respondents) to monitor the operations of Chinese companies in the sector and ensure that they follow the law in letter and spirit. The study established that Chinese business people exploit opportunities presented by high rates of unemployment in the country as well as Zimbabwe’s desperation as an internationally isolated state to their advantage. In such a situation, trade unions become the gap filler to improve the workers’ plight although the absence of total state support for them leaves workers exposed.
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| 4 |
ID:
168241
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contends that Zimbabwe’s agency in its engagement with China has been limited and at best circumscribed. This owes to factors such as indifference by state authorities to cooperation with civil society actors in negotiating with Chinese actors, the desperation of the The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front regime in the face of isolation by erstwhile partners as well as the opacity and secrecy that characterizes significant areas of the Zimbabwe–China relationship. The pressing need for critical institutions such as parliament to play independent oversight roles as well as the creation of space for civil society watchdog functions are highlighted as key enablers if Zimbabwean agency is to generate positive gains from the country’s engagement with China.
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