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NARCO-TRAFFICKING (2) answer(s).
 
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ID:   194180


Can Ecuador Avoid Becoming a Narco-State? / Freeman, Will   Journal Article
Freeman, Will Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract Ecuador until recently was known as a haven of relative peace in its region, but it is in the process of being transformed by surging crime. The country’s homicide rate is now among the highest in Latin America; a presidential candidate campaigning on an anti-crime platform was assassinated in 2023. Since 2020, increasingly brazen narco-traffickers have been battling for control of the country’s ports, and criminal gangs are threatening to capture the state. The origins of the crisis date back a decade and a half, and it has gathered momentum with policy blunders by successive presidents on both left and right.
Key Words organized crime  Ecuador  State Capture  Narco-Trafficking 
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2
ID:   163259


Queens of narco-trafficking: breaking gender hierarchy in Colombia / Simoni, Serena   Journal Article
Simoni, Serena Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract The representation of women as agents of violence matters. Scholars have shown those representations to be gendered and racially biased in a wide variety of contexts. So far, though, International Relations scholars have neglected a major part of women's violence in the global arena: women's involvement in organized crime. Scholars might neglect transnational criminal organizations (TNCOs) because in many cases they do not have an explicit political purpose, as do other organizations of extra-legal violence (such as militias, paramilitaries and/or terrorist organizations). This simple reading neglects the ways in which TNCOs influence state policies, engage with the creation of international norms and participate in (or contravene) the diffusion of international norms into domestic practices. This article makes the dual move, then, of taking TNCOs seriously as actors in global politics, and of taking women seriously as members and leaders of TNCOs. It does pay attention to how they are represented. But more than that, it explores their lives and the contexts in which they live or have lived. Rather than telling a story of female victimhood, this article tells a story of female agency. It concludes by arguing that seeing politically violent women as agents is not enough, nor is understanding the gendered context in which they live. Instead, politically violent women must be understood within gendered contexts. Analysis of female members of TNCOs both shows the unique features of TNCOs and provides a broader applicability for understandings of gender and of violence in the global political arena.
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