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| 1 |
ID:
124622
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a prolegomena to a discussion of what Michel Foucault meant by 'political spirituality' and 'the courage of truth (parrhesia)', terms which preoccupied his last lectures at the Collège de France and through which he continued to pursue his lifelong concern with the politics of truth and the history of the present. The article approaches these issues through the fate of the three strategic figures - God, Man and Life - that have traditionally problematised western rules of truth and truths of rule. It then proceeds to explore the living death, or afterlife, of Man and Life, which calls for a new courage of truth, and to which 'political spirituality' has been one response.
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| 2 |
ID:
089333
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2009.
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This paper examines the role of the media during and after the August invasion of Georgia by Russian troops. It shows how on both sides the media responded to strong pressures to report the conflict from a very one-sided perspective. Indeed the conflict can be seen as a media as much as a military conflict as both sides struggled to present themselves in the best possible light before the international community and to exaggerate the losses that had been inflicted on their own rather then their enemy's forces. The article details the way this conflict was played out in printed media and TV as well as Internet blogs and provides information on the cyber war, which also broke out between the rival states.
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| 3 |
ID:
188494
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TODAY, amid events unfolding in and around Ukraine that are pivotal to Russia and the entire world order, we hear more and more that "our strength is in truth" and "our cause is just." They are pronounced as a given, as something that requires no explanation, because they are part of our spiritual code. Today, we increasingly hear that Russia needs a national idea. The fact that the ideas of truth, a just cause, and patriotism resonate in our minds much louder during critical periods of Russia's history requires no explanation. This happened on the fateful day of June 22, 1941: "Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours!"
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| 4 |
ID:
148892
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| 5 |
ID:
148852
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Krishnamurti was one of the most original thinkers of our time, who
investigated fundamental questions about the purpose of life, the true
meaning of love, religion, time, and death without seeking answers in
any books or scriptures and without accepting any belief, organized
religion or system of thought. Like the Buddha, he sought the answers
to these questions through observation, inquiry and self-knowledge
and arrived at a direct perception of truth which lies beyond intellectual
concepts, theories and descriptions.
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| 6 |
ID:
131854
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political poetry is not tested by its impact and the number of its readers but in its very participation in the public discourse on the issues of the day. Poetry moves between forces that focus the attention of its audience inwards, to the lyrics of the poems, and the forces that connect to the social, cultural, and political climate in which the poems are published. These movements reflect the power of poetry, which, using language, breaks the barriers that exist between people - individuals or groups, as well as between these individuals or groups and reality. This way, the poet serves as the element that formulates the informal cultural feelings in society and offers an interpretive package of the existing reality, as well as the alternative reality. Poets place their 'truth' within the perception of reality, and this truth can compete in the public arena with the 'truth' that is portrayed by politicians.
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| 7 |
ID:
093582
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Spinoza's project of showing how the mind can be freed from its passive affects and the State from its divisive factions (E IV.Appendix and V.Preface) ultimately coincides with the aims announced in the subtitle of the Tractatus-Theologico-Politicus (TTP) "to demonstrate that [the] freedom to philosophize does not endanger the piety and obedience required for civic peace."1 Both projects rest on a set of provisional isomorphic distinctions-between adequate and inadequate ideas, between reason and the imagination, between active and passive affects-that Spinoza proceeds to blur, and indeed to renounce. In using these distinctions while also moving to overcome them, Spinoza is not confused or indecisive. Every philosopher, every wise Sovereign, every free man who attempts to incorporate adequate ideas in inadequately framed, perspectivally limited contexts must use these distinctions and also see how deeply misleading they are. I want to offer a friendly amendment to Hasana Sharpe's essay "The Force of Ideas in Spinoza" arguing that Spinoza refuses her distinction between the force of an idea and its truth.2
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| 8 |
ID:
029362
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Eurasia Publishing House, 1975.
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| Description |
269p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015953 | 144.3/JAM 015953 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
101036
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| 10 |
ID:
131902
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Avatar
Film Star
Political Surplus
Truth
Entertainment
News
Crime
Cultural Economy
Moral Authority
Political Authority
Aamir Khan
Narrative Ingenuity
Politics
Social Changes
Trope
Social System
Social Reforms
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| 11 |
ID:
173402
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Post-truth politics poses a specific problem for critical theories. The problem is that the relativisation of facts – the claim that knowledge is merely a product of power, history, and perspective – is a core aspect of present-day ideological thinking. Critical theories have been unable to respond to this challenge, because their critique has been directed against the opposite claim, namely the naturalisation of facts. While acknowledging this problem, this article argues that post-truth discourse actually combines relativisation and naturalisation. It does not simply relativise truth, but also naturalises the belief in specific ‘facts’ – notably the belief that ‘conspiracies are behind it all’. Once we recognise the twin character of post-truth, we must reject the view of Bruno Latour and others who have made critique responsible for the crisis. Instead, it then becomes apparent that there are deep and disconcerting similarities between post-truth politics and the totalitarian and authoritarian ideologies of the twentieth century. The task of critique is to confront and counter this resurgent ideology, thereby providing direction and orientation in the struggle for emancipation.
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| 12 |
ID:
001681
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| Publication |
London, Bentham Press, 1997.
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| Description |
xx,257p.
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| Standard Number |
0593041402
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 041292 | 121/FER 041292 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
087065
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The difficulty of discovering the truth on intelligence questions in vividly shown by two questions: who leaked American's ability to intercept Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden's satellite telephone and when did he stop using it? Former President George W. Bush and reputable scholars and journalists have repeatedly made statements the actual truth when and if that truth in this matter, meaning bin Laden and perhaps one or more of his subordinates.
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| 14 |
ID:
191487
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This article considers the tendency to distort truth in modern political and military processes as a consequence of the degradation of the international political and military strategies of the US and its allies in a unipolar world and - in a broader context - the systemic crisis of Western civilization. It also substantiates the need to develop and implement the innovative concept of "truthful power" to effectively counteract the detrimental consequences of the promotion of post-truth and falsification in international relations.
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| 15 |
ID:
182615
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This article explores the political, strategic and emotional issue of victim groups deciding to continue or discontinue central components of a justice campaign in the aftermath of receiving ‘truth’. Drawing on in-depth interviews, the article focuses on relatives and other stakeholders’ varying positions on (dis)continuing the annual Bloody Sunday commemoration march after the publication of the Report of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry and the UK Prime Minister’s apology for the massacre. I demonstrate that there has emerged an, at times, acrimonious schism between those who feel the apology and report were sufficient to stop the march and those who believe them to be insufficient. Thus, while much of the literature on political apology evaluates its effects on the dyadic relationship between victim and perpetrator, this article develops Sara Ahmed’s concept of ‘overing’ to demonstrate that the ostensible moment of truth can create unanticipated and deleterious intra-victim tensions. The article concludes by suggesting practical measures emerging from the findings that other justice campaigns may consider.
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