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| 1 |
ID:
192616
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| Summary/Abstract |
Progress made in European defence-industrial integration has been subjected to the hardest test with the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The conflict has had profound implications for European defence industries across the board and spurred on massive investment into the sector. Based on extensive analysis of procurements, adopted policies, and shifts in discourse, we argue that the practical steps undertaken by Central and Eastern European (CEE) defence industries in the wake of the conflict are disintegrational. This is contrary to many discernible indicators which align with European integrational initiatives in defence. Moreover, the paper argues that the pattern of decisions taken by Central and Eastern European countries reinforces structural barriers to potential future European defence-industrial integration. The findings are significant to EU-wide, regional, and bilateral defence-industrial co-operation as well as national defence industrial strategies in reaction to the ongoing war in Ukraine.
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| 2 |
ID:
164622
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| Summary/Abstract |
Small arms-producing countries on the global market and especially within NATO and the EU offer important insights into the selection of viable defense-industrial strategies. In two separate eras, Czechoslovakia was among the top three (1920s) or top ten (1980s) largest arms producers in the world. As successor states, the Czech and Slovak Republics have approached the transformation of their defense industrial sectors in dissimilar fashions, leading both through two extremely turbulent decades. The past few years have witnessed a renewed dedication of both countries to the defense sector. This article offers a comparative study of state policy developments in support of the sector, procurement practices, cooperation, and export considerations, relating said aspects to foreign policy. Special attention is dedicated to collaboration initiatives and the maneuvering of both countries within the bilateral, regional, European, and global defense economies.
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| 3 |
ID:
186197
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In the triangle of relations between major EU powers, the relationship between Germany and the UK remains historically under-examined. Its implications for the future of European defence cooperation are, however, vital and gradually more decisive. The article examines indices on the direction of this relationship to model the shape and impact of this missing link among the more thoroughly investigated relations of Germany-France and UK-France. As both the UK and Germany were forced to formulate clear positions during the Brexit process, their pronounced interactions offer a unique insight into the development of their bilateral defence cooperation, both present and future, and its impact on multilateral UK-EU defence relations. The central question that arises is whether sufficient progress has been made towards a stronger bilateral defence relationship between these two actors to warrant the designation of a trend towards new bilateralism. The article explores this within three major sectors: (1) official defence cooperation; (2) military cooperation; (3) defence industrial cooperation and finds that overtures and initiatives launched in the examined period are insufficient to alter the relationship toward new bilateralism.
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| 4 |
ID:
183976
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Post-Brexit referendum EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) developments have called for an enhancement of Germany’s leadership in the CSDP. Given fears of German dominance, its self-limitation and diverging French visions, Germany is steered towards building deeper alliances and partnerships. Minilateral cooperation offers unique benefits to the current German leadership dilemma yet remains understudied outside of Western defence cooperation. Based on three representative areas of the CSDP, the article examines the progress and viability of minilateral CSDP cooperation between Germany and Visegrád countries and finds clear indications of growing post-2016 minilateral cooperation with this particular region.
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