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ID:
165238
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through bringing history into conversation with ethnography, this paper re-examines scholarly understandings of Hindu nationalism and the practice of seva (service). Whereas much scholarship addresses Hindu nationalist service through a secular-liberal register, this paper considers what this language excludes. Giving critical attention to elite activists within the Hindu nationalist-led Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra (Tribal Welfare Centre), in Jharkhand, India, my research demonstrates how elite activists translate service into a religious language of somatic representation. This constructs marginal agents as passive subjects of a heavily moralistic ethical-self making project. This critical analysis opens up for study the differing ritual-politics of caste and gender which underlie the participation of marginal actors, practices which are not reducible to a discourse of religion or a universal category of acts. In order to grasp these more complex models, this paper gives importance to the ways in which its ethical discourses are inhabited in manifold ways. This tells a story of how Western models of religion are parochialized, and challenges the relationship between authority and agency which permeate our imagination of non-liberal discourses like those invoked by Hindu nationalist service projects.
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| 2 |
ID:
181336
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores media coverage of instant ‘triple talaq’—a form of divorce practised by some Indian Muslims—and ‘love jihad’—a supposed trend of Muslim men coercing Hindu women into conversion and marriage. The Hindu Right position itself as champions of gender justice in the context of outlawing instant triple talaq, but in discussions of ‘love jihad’ sideline women’s rights (to choose their own religion and spouse) and focus on national security. This reveals the strategic use of women’s rights by the Hindu Right to further entrench its imagination of a secular Hindu nation threatened by the Muslim man.
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| 3 |
ID:
192305
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Indian Hindu nationalist movement is largely sustained by a network, hundreds of organisations strong, linked in greater or lesser degrees to a central organisational node: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. In this paper I propose a new, critical, definition of this network: That which is constituted by organisational sites through which a central executive may exert authority, (a) through existing institutionalised communication channels, and (b) without coercion. By reconfiguring the analytic focus on this network, which I refer to as the Sangh, from its organisational nodes, to the linkages through which power travels, I propose a new research agenda on this Hindu nationalist organisational network that I argue more clearly identifies the spread, intentions and weaknesses of the far-right in India.
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