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ID:
165807
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past several years, the government of Israel has intensified its two-pronged Jerusalem strategy to consolidate control over East Jerusalem while eroding the Palestinians’ hold on the city. Israel is actively working to redraw the boundaries of Jerusalem through legislation and political proposals to both territorially and demographically reshape the city. And it is asserting its power at the center of East Jerusalem by promoting an unprecedented number of touristic settlement initiatives inside Palestinian neighborhoods, evicting and uprooting Palestinian families, demolishing homes (throughout East Jerusalem), and tolerating pressure from messianic Temple movements to challenge the status quo on the Temple Mount/al- Haram al Sharif
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| 2 |
ID:
165810
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| Summary/Abstract |
Today, in the Israel of 2018 — with its restrictions on basic liberties as reflected in aggressive legislation against any critical public discussion of the policies of the hegemonic right-wing government — the importance of deliberating public matters, including the Nation-State Law, can no longer be taken for granted. Liberal circles are rightly suspicious that broad segments of the Jewish population consider open and free critical deliberations of government policies as a form of “unpatriotic” behavior and therefore illegitimate opposition. Today’s Israel is characterized by an atmosphere of intimidation, supported by the passage of laws whose main aim is to silence voices that oppose the ideological worldview of the rightwing coalition of conservative nationalist parties headed by the Likud. It is sufficient to mention the “NGOs Law,” the “Nakba Law,” the proposed “Cultural Loyalty Bill,” and the systematic attack on academic institutions, the “wayward” voices in the media and human rights organizations to illustrate this point.
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| 3 |
ID:
165811
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| Summary/Abstract |
Annexation of parts or all of the West Bank would make Israel an international outlaw,yet opposition from the U.S. administration, which in the past had served as a bulwark against potentially catastrophic Israeli decisions regarding the West Bank, is missing in action.
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| 4 |
ID:
165804
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israeli legislation has over the last decade been increasingly geared to entrench the ethnic-religious and nationalist ideology of Binyamin Netanyahu and his coalition government. This legislative trend is evident in some laws which have already been passed by a majority in the Knesset and is accentuated in the numerous legislative initiatives proposed by members of the Knesset belonging to parties in the governing coalition. The government’s drafting of its legislative initiatives has frequently exhibited the trademarks of an authoritarian hegemony with disregard for human rights implications. The persistent vigilance and activism of Israeli civil society, however, along with interventions of the Supreme Court and the media, both local and international, have frequently succeeded in nixing or toning down the early legislative drafts.
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| 5 |
ID:
165809
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| Summary/Abstract |
Annexation of parts or all of the West Bank would jeopardize Israel's prospects as a Jewish state and a democracy.
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| 6 |
ID:
165808
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| Summary/Abstract |
The racist Nation-State Law aims to delegitimize the rights of the Palestinian-Arab minority in Israel and to expel the Palestinians from the West Bank in order to legitimize the Israeli occupation and Jewish settlements.
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| 7 |
ID:
165805
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The recently passed Jewish Nation-State Law lays the constitutional cornerstone of Israel’s attitude and behavior toward the Palestinians, both those who remained after the 1948 War — the Nakba — where they had been living before the creation of Israel and became Israeli citizens, and those living in the Palestinian Occupied Territories (OPT). Although the law in its entirety is anti-Arab, anti-democratic and discriminatory against Arabs and their culture, there are two elements in that law that affect critical aspects of the relations between Palestinian Arabs and Jews.
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| 8 |
ID:
165814
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Nation-State Law may mark a turning point in Jewish political thought beyond the nation-state frame, which may have democratic potential, if we can mobilize those new political possibilities.
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| 9 |
ID:
165806
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People has generated shock in Israel because of its dangerous political and legal ramifications, primarily regarding the status and rights of Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel. This essay examines the law and its consequences in various aspects of life.
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| 10 |
ID:
165812
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to Antonio Gramsci, social hegemony comprises: “1.The ‘spontaneous’ consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group … 2. The apparatus of state coercive power which ‘legally’ enforces discipline on those groups who do not ‘consent’ either actively or passively.”1 These two elements of social hegemony — consent to the existent social order and control of the non-consenting — are facilitated through the cultivation of belief structures that determine and limit the horizon of imagined alternatives with regard to life and the social order. These belief structures are informed by many sources, one of which is law. As Robert Gordon observed: “Law … is one of these clusters of belief — and it ties in with a lot of other nonlegal but similar clusters — that convince people that all the many hierarchical relations in which they live and work are natural and necessary.”
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| 11 |
ID:
165815
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Nation-State Law, with its clearly semi-fascist nature, demonstrates how urgent it is to decide who we are, what we want and where we belong.
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| 12 |
ID:
165813
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