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| 1 |
ID:
164758
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on a documentary, statistical and discourse analysis, plus 30 years of interviewing in China, this article investigates the demo-political background of China’s return to a two-child policy in 2015. It pinpoints the contested core issues that fueled a bitter polemic on the future course of Chinese birth policy and continue to fester in ongoing controversies. The article briefly reviews earlier challenges to China’s controversial one-child policy since its inception in 1979/80, details the conflicts and mechanisms shaping the birth planning regime since 2000, and examines the role played by academic counseling, bureaucratic infighting, lobbying and civil society in the about-turn. Comparing birth planning to other policy arenas, it concludes with a discussion of societal and think-tank impact on Chinese political decision-making.
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| 2 |
ID:
164778
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although China’s active participation in United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations as a personnel contributor has drawn people’s attention, very few have examined under what conditions China sent its personnel in general. This article analyzes 18 cases of China’s participation/nonparticipation during 2003–2017, using such data as UN resolutions, data on trade and security, and other states’ involvement. It reveals that the consideration of economic interests is a better predictor for China’s behavior than China’s concerns over its reputation, the insecurity of places, or mission characteristics. However, in contrast to popular speculations, economic interests are more about the importance of host states as export markets rather than as exporters of resource-related materials. The study also finds that sovereignty issues still wield power over China’s decisions, showing that despite its increasing lenient voting patterns on mission resolutions, its participation behavior tends to remain conservative.
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| 3 |
ID:
164773
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This article examines the design, implementation and reception of defense education in Chinese universities. Delivered by the People’s Liberation Army since 1985, this program, which aims at cultivating students’ civic awareness through elementary military training, is still ongoing today. Official publications and interviews with students who attended the training suggest that defense education is successful in conveying the authority of the Party-state to China’s new elite youth. The physical component of the training is the added value that is well received by the new generations, by comparison with ideological indoctrination. The Chinese Communist Party’s use of the military to infuse discipline and compliance among a historically volatile section of society highlights the militarist nature of the People’s Republic of China.
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| 4 |
ID:
164760
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates fertility intentions and obstacles among young Chinese men and women after the lift of the one-child policy. Over 100 in-depth interviews reveal that while having one child is viewed as the normative step following marriage, various obstacles remain for second-birth transition. Time and financial concerns are salient among both men and women, whereas labor market disadvantage and the perceived incompatibility between work and motherhood create additional hindrances for women. The gendered childcare leave policy, coupled with discriminatory hiring practice, leads women to view multiple childbirths and successful career as fundamentally incompatible. A universal ‘two-child policy’ without additional institutional measures that address work-life incompatibility for women may not successfully boost fertility level, but would rather exacerbate the existing gender inequity in China’s labor market.
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| 5 |
ID:
164776
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran is expected to be one of the main beneficiaries of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China and Iran had a track record of cooperation long before the announcement of BRI, developing a highly asymmetric Great Power-Middle Power partnership over the course of three decades. This article asks whether BRI will enable China and Iran to transcend the limitations faced by most Great Power-Middle Power relationships on the basis of Iran’s enhanced strategic economic and geographic value. It is argued that while BRI could benefit from stronger China–Iran ties, Iran’s international posturing has proven a significant hindrance to China, highlighting that entrenched patterns of engagement in Great Power-Middle Power relations are not easily shifted, even in the face of immense economic incentives.
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| 6 |
ID:
164769
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| Summary/Abstract |
Studies looking at gender and ethnic minority outcomes in China’s labour market have generally suggested that women and minorities are separately experiencing a wage disadvantage relative to males and the Han majority, respectively. But, what is the experience of this combined cohort, ethnic minority women? Using data from China’s 2005 one percent mini-census, this article discerns ethno-gender labour market outcomes by factoring education, labour force participation, working hours, age, family structure (e.g. married, number of dependents) and geography (e.g. urban/rural, bordering province). It surprisingly finds that ethnic minority women are less disadvantaged in the labour market than Han women. This is largely due to smaller penalties linked to marriage and having children.
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| 7 |
ID:
164766
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the beginning of bilateral ties in 1950, the China–Pakistan relationship has grown significantly. Known as Pakistan’s ‘all-weather friend’, bilateral economic cooperation has been advanced by the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement, worth US$62 billion of Chinese investment in Pakistan. Due to its geo-economic and geopolitical importance, the CPEC is considered a ‘game changer’ by Beijing and Islamabad. However, since its initiation in 2015, the CPEC has also been a source of tension between centre and provincial governments in Pakistan. This paper analyses the impact of the CPEC on nation-building in Pakistan. In the light of nation-building theories, it further argues that the CPEC has provided Pakistan with much-needed opportunities to address inter-provincial and federal–provincial discord through dialogue and compromises.
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| 8 |
ID:
164764
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beijing’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has exacerbated a longstanding concern about the power shift from the West to China. The existing debate, however, is both motivated by, and fixated on, the strategic concerns of and about great powers (and to a lesser extent, middle powers). What is often overlooked is the concerns and voices of smaller countries and contested regions where some of the power-shift symptoms allegedly unfold, such as the South Pacific. To traditional donors such as Australia, the power dynamism in the South Pacific is largely a linear, two-way model of power shift from Western donors to Beijing. Challenging this model, this article proposes a complex, three-way model to bring small and seemingly passive actors into the power shift equation. To illustrate, the article uses Papua New Guinea’s (PNG) perceptions of China’s aid vis-à-vis Australia’s aid as a case study. Relying mostly on primary (interview) sources, this study not only reveals some nuanced attitudes of local actors toward the great-power interactions, but also highlights the hitherto neglected role and agency of Pacific Island nations and their domestic politics in the inherently complex power shifts.
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| 9 |
ID:
164759
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since late 2013, one of China’s most controversial policies—the one-child policy—has been gradually phased out, culminating in the reorganization of the National Health and Family Planning Commission in early 2018, which saw it drop the family planning part from its name. Has China forgone population intervention and started to pursue a liberal population policy? This article demonstrates that the Chinese political leadership is still determined to steer the direction of future demographic developments, even though it changed course and has to employ new modes of steering. In fact, it has even elevated political steering of demographic developments to new heights under the rubric of ‘top-level design’ (dingceng sheji). This study takes a comparative look at the two ends of the life course, birth and old age, to reveal the continuity and change in population planning and policy discourses in China. In sum, this article finds that while the ‘one-child policy’ is gone for good, population planning in a broader understanding—including policies on birth, aging, migration, and urbanization—is alive and well and it will stay here for the foreseeable future.
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| 10 |
ID:
164770
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| Summary/Abstract |
How widespread is unemployment among land-losing farmers in China and what explains regional variations in unemployment? Using census data, this article shows that there were only roughly 1.7 million unemployed land-losing farmers in 2010. Case studies and quantitative analysis demonstrate that unemployment is concentrated in areas that have undergone large-scale land takings, often in the form of ‘new cities’ or ‘university cities.’ Less-educated farmers have been unable to compete in urban labor markets and have become unemployed, especially in poorer regions. The postfinancial crisis fiscal stimulus exacerbated these trends, making cities that received funding for rebuilding after the Wenchuan earthquake home to high numbers of unemployed land-losing farmers.
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