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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
163711
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| Summary/Abstract |
An absence of overt contention has led scholars to question the existence of social movements in China and to agree with the “state corporatism” description of state–social group relations there. This article presents the idea of “adaptive confrontation” to demonstrate that there are women’s and lesbian groups in China that go beyond the idea of state corporatism, as well as to challenge current applications of social movement theories and better understand state–social group relationships in a repressive regime.
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| 2 |
ID:
163713
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s raw materials diplomacy and unregulated purchasing of minerals in Africa and Latin America, as well as its domestic raw materials export quota, have for years been eyed with suspicion by state and private actors. Industrialized countries want to uphold and extend free market access to raw materials, but also strengthen their political accountability and sustainability. However, critics argue that in contrast, China, the world’s largest metals and minerals trading power, has taken the opposite course, ignoring social and environmental standards, reinforcing authoritarian governments, and erecting trade barriers. China is faced with several interrelated challenges in its resource diplomacy and governance. This article claims that an identifiable, chronological connection and pattern has existed between China’s aid and investment diplomacy for resources since the late 1990s, free trade agreements since the 2000s, Beijing’s resource nationalism since the 2010s, and the reform process of national and privately organized transnational governance toward sustainability in the present day. Is China socializing with emerging transnational standards on mining and resource extraction in the developing world, and if so, why? This article argues that China’s raw materials governance, including corporate governance, has entered a phase of reform to pacify the external environment and to implement the Belt and Road Initiative. In theoretical terms, China’s raw materials governance will continue to emphasize neoliberal and neo-mercantilist goals, cushioned by globalist features.
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| 3 |
ID:
163714
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the retreat of the workplace system, Chinese cities have been presented with the important challenge of refurbishing local administrative systems at the sub-district level while meeting the emerging needs of new urban spaces. Building on new institutionalism concepts such as conversion and layering, this study examines conditions in Shanghai to ascertain what has made it a strong administrative city. The study discusses the development of Shanghai’s current local governance structure in terms of historical legacy, formal structure, and informal practices (i.e., two-tiered government and three-tiered management). This study also researches the complex state task of strengthening sub-district governance (so-called “community construction”) in urban China. The results of this study offer theoretical implications for institutional change and continuity related to these matters, thereby indicating that increased attention should be given to the agency-side explanation of endogenous institutional changes in the Chinese polity.
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| 4 |
ID:
163710
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| Summary/Abstract |
Bringing knowledge about China to the disciplines has reduced the outsized role that research on Europe and America has on many topics. But mainstreaming China studies also leads to certain tradeoffs. How should we manage these tradeoffs and produce research that is both true to China and contributes to the social sciences? In the last 40 years, China scholars have developed many strategies to navigate the territory between area studies and the social sciences. I myself have vacillated about how China studies and political science should interact and inform each other. How are scholars addressing this issue now, in an era of mixed methods, sophisticated quantitative research, experiments and “big data?”
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