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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
185941
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the early 1970s, the security threat posed by the Soviet Union and the widespread poverty of the Chinese people prompted the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to reconsider its foreign and economic policies. Although still in the midst of the Cultural Revolution, the majority of the CCP’s leadership, including Chairman Mao Zedong, desired to turn attention away from internal political struggles and toward the national economy. Mao was determined to engage with the United States to confront the precarious situation that his country faced. This new foreign dynamic jibed with U.S. President Richard Nixon’s approach to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and finally brought about U.S.-Chinese rapprochement in the early 1970s. Impinging on the strategic triangle between the United States, China, and the Soviet Union, the U.S.-Chinese rapprochement also enabled China to boost its economy by obtaining advanced technology from the West. At the same time, several pragmatic and moderate leaders such as Zhou Enlai, Hua Guofeng, and Li Xiannian also began to focus on the problems of feeding and clothing the Chinese people (with Mao’s instructions and approval, of course), and turned to the West to import advanced technology and equipment for the petrochemical, steel, and other industrial sectors. These foreign policy shifts culminated in the creation of SisanFang’an (“Four Three Program”) in 1973, an act of opening China to the Western world and a second major effort to import foreign technology, following the comprehensive economic assistance received from the Soviet Union in the 1950s.
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| 2 |
ID:
167136
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| Summary/Abstract |
Global climate governance still faces serious challenges despite the epochal Paris Agreement of 2015. Whether and how the world will reach the targeted 1.5-degree limit remains difficult to foresee, although undoubtedly one of the necessary conditions is greater cooperation among the major greenhouse gas (GHG) emitting nations. In this light, the decision by the USA, the second largest GHG emitter in the world, to withdraw from the Paris Agreement has significant global ramifications. Another source of uncertainty is the European Union’s climate policy, which has long been a role model for the world; it will likely have to undergo major changes as a result of the UK’s exit from the EU, which is projected to take place in 2019. Against this backdrop of profound geopolitical changes, this article argues that strengthened cooperation between the EU and China—the world’s largest GHG emitter, but also its largest investor in renewable energy and an increasingly vocal voice for climate action—is indispensable for meaningful climate change mitigation and adaptation in the decades ahead, even if the end results still fall short of the ambitions outlined in the Paris Agreement. Diverging economic and political interests still exist, but there is also much common interest and ample room for collaboration. We review the progress and challenges in EU-China cooperation on climate change and put forward practical suggestions for plausible future directions.
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| 3 |
ID:
167926
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nonprofit organisations have grown tremendously in China over the past two decades, but their density and growth vary substantially across regions. Why are nonprofits distributed differently across China? This article develops a theoretical model to explain the prevalence and growth of nonprofits from three perspectives: heterogeneous service demands (e.g. population size, proportion of ageing and floating people); human resources and social capital (e.g. economic affluence and donation culture); and government support (e.g. government procurement). The authors' analysis of 153 prefecture-level cities reveals that nonprofit density is well explained by the model, and nonprofit growth is related only to population size and government support. The findings deepen our understanding of nonprofit density and growth in China, and generate helpful policy implications.
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