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| 1 |
ID:
167928
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines preferences related to democracy and their spillover effects on political trust and political participation through a social survey of Macao's university students. In contrast to conventional measurements that enquire into attitudes towards democracy in abstract terms, this study measures students' preferences related to democracy through their attitudes towards a particular political incident—the Umbrella Movement. A detailed discussion of the Umbrella Movement as a feasible and valid indicator yields the following research findings. First, students in Macao generally approve the demand for universal suffrage made by the Umbrella Movement. This can be interpreted as a preference for a minimal definition of democracy. Second, bivariate and regression analyses demonstrate that a positive correlation exists in students' support level for universal suffrage, corroborating the statement that student leaders in the Umbrella Movement were "fighting for democracy" and the importance of "living in a democratic system". Universal suffrage as an indicator empirically reflects students' attitudes towards democracy. Third, regression analyses also affirm that support for universal suffrage is a statistically significant predictor of students' political trust and political participation. The higher the support that students have for universal suffrage, the higher their likelihood of having less trust in both the Macao government and the central government, and in engaging in unconventional political participation.
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| 2 |
ID:
167923
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides an international-political-economy explanation of the development and degradation of Taiwan's press freedom from 1988 to 2016. It argues that Taiwan tends to have more press freedom when it depends economically on a liberal hegemon (such as the United States) and less press freedom when it depends upon a repressive hegemon (such as China). The underlying mechanism is norm diffusion in which local state–business elites introduce media norms from the hegemon and institutionalise them in Taiwan. The Taiwan case implies that transnational economic linkages do not always bring about domestic improvements in human rights, but may damage them when relations of economic interdependence involve powerful authoritarian countries, and that norms may diffuse not only from liberal contexts to repressive states, but also from powerful authoritarian countries to weaker liberal countries.
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| 3 |
ID:
167927
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| Summary/Abstract |
Special economic zones (SEZs) can be an effective instrument to promote industrialisation if implemented properly. In China, starting in the 1980s, SEZs were used as a testing ground for China's transition from a planned to a market economy, and they are a prime example of China's pragmatic and experimental approach to reforms. One of the great SEZ success stories in China is the Suzhou Industrial Park (SIP), a modern industrial township developed in the early 1990s through a Sino–Singapore partnership. It is successful not just in the economic sense, but also in terms of urban and social development in an eco-friendly way. One key lesson is that in a weak market environment, a facilitating and reform-oriented host government, coupled with foreign expertise and knowledge as well as a "wholistic" approach can go a long way in leveraging economic zones to boost global value chain participation. This article is intended to examine the success factors and key lessons of the Sino–Singapore Suzhou Industrial Park, which can be useful for other developing countries.
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| 4 |
ID:
167925
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) was launched at the end of 2015. It is an ongoing project towards a single market and is envisioned to develop ASEAN into a competitive and global ASEAN. However, given the wide development gaps between member countries, combined with ASEAN's extremely weak institutional base, it is uncertain whether ASEAN will be able to realise its ambitious targets. As the largest trading partner of ASEAN, China vowed to further deepen China–ASEAN relations and render more support to the building of the ASEAN community through China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). For ASEAN, the important question is how China and its initiatives could assist ASEAN member states in achieving those development priorities. This article attempts to address these questions by analysing Chinese scholarly writings and different Southeast Asian views and concerns. It also explores China's evolving peripheral diplomacy with a focus on its foreign policy to Southeast Asia.
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| 5 |
ID:
167921
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a move towards a more liberal criminal justice system, the Chinese criminal procedure law (CPL) was amended in 2012 to redistribute the power between state agents and private participants. However, the enforcement of this law is still influenced by the power imbalance between the public and private participants. This article argues that strong authorities together with weak social participation have led to the emergence of several trends in the enforcement of the amended CPL. This article concludes by reflecting on the unbalanced relationships between public and private participants, and reveals the underlying causes.
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| 6 |
ID:
167919
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholarship today asserts that the Chinese Party-state's media control strategy with regard to popular protests has changed from suppressive to proactive. Nevertheless, existing literature tends to regard the Chinese state as a monolithic and unitary actor, and neglects the heterogeneity in different levels of government in handling protests. This article attempts to make a modest contribution to the literature by viewing the Chinese state as heterogeneous and multilayered actors with respect to popular protests. The authors contend that due to the distinctive incentives as well as the context factor "hierarchical government trust", lower-level authorities, especially the local ones, have a lower tendency to adopt a proactive approach to controlling media coverage of protests than their central counterparts. The authors utilise the Wukan incident as a case study to corroborate their argument, and identify the specific strategies that various levels of the governments have adopted.
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| 7 |
ID:
167922
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Industrial parks play important roles in boosting local economies. However, their productivity remains unclear. This study employs the Malmquist productivity indexes (MPIs) to assess the performance of 14 economic development zones (EDZs) and seven high-tech development zones (HTDZs) in Beijing for the 2006–2014 period. The overall MPI increased for both the EDZs and the HTDZs. The Malmquist decomposition highlights the technological changes as the main source of productivity improvement. Further, many EDZs and HTDZs have shown progress in catching up. Decision-makers should consider the scale effects when evaluating inputs like investment and land, and the results will enable better management of industrial parks.
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| 8 |
ID:
167924
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Lancang–Mekong Cooperation (LMC) mechanism, in which China plays a leading role, was officially launched in March 2016 as a result of China's need for an enhanced neighbourhood diplomacy, and the development needs of the five ASEAN Mekong countries and ASEAN integration. China makes great efforts to promote LMC in order to nurture it into a "golden brand" for building a community of a shared future with the neighbouring countries and for the whole of Asia. However, in the face of challenges from within and outside of the cooperation mechanism, China has much to accomplish in building LMC as the platform to achieve its neighbourhood diplomacy goal.
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| 9 |
ID:
167920
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| Summary/Abstract |
By comparing two urban middle-class protests in the same region in China, this study addresses the moral dilemma of Not-in-My-Backyard (NIMBY) movements. This article argues that the success of a movement is rooted in the media-movement dynamics of two related social processes: securing public support for the movement to enable it to bypass its "selfishness" label; and ensuring the movement's survival within the authoritarian state to bring about possible policy changes. The structural position of the middle class enables activists to strategically exceed NIMBYism while setting the tone of compromise at the same time.
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| 10 |
ID:
167926
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nonprofit organisations have grown tremendously in China over the past two decades, but their density and growth vary substantially across regions. Why are nonprofits distributed differently across China? This article develops a theoretical model to explain the prevalence and growth of nonprofits from three perspectives: heterogeneous service demands (e.g. population size, proportion of ageing and floating people); human resources and social capital (e.g. economic affluence and donation culture); and government support (e.g. government procurement). The authors' analysis of 153 prefecture-level cities reveals that nonprofit density is well explained by the model, and nonprofit growth is related only to population size and government support. The findings deepen our understanding of nonprofit density and growth in China, and generate helpful policy implications.
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