Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
169187
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
169190
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
169191
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
The US-China relationship is changing in fundamental ways. Currently, the United States and China are engaged in an intensive and costly trade war that, even if resolved through negotiations, will likely not provide the basis for long-term stability. Indeed, it may carry the seeds of future confrontation. More broadly, many of the fundamental ideas that once guided the relationship are being called into question, such as engagement, cooperation, and convergence. The institutional structure of the relationship is also being tested. The well-developed and hard-worn channels of communication have been allowed to atrophy. On both sides, and especially in China, bureaucratic processes are straining to keep up with the growing diversity and complexity of a relationship that is global in scope and consequence.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
169193
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
This year, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated a strategic reflection about China, with the United States requesting allies to join in its attempt to come to grips with China's growing prowess. Beyond the Pacific, China has staged exercises in the Mediterranean and in the Baltic, and it has built a large new base in Djibouti, right on NATO's doorstep.1 Its ambitions in cyber and space have no geographic borders and are therefore of significance to the alliance. China’s expansion of an ever more sophisticated arsenal of intercontinental ballistic missiles has consequences in terms of deterrence and missile defense. Still, European allies are reluctant to endorse a role for NATO toward China. The failure of NATO to formulate a proper answer to China's ascent could undermine its relevance in the new world order and increase frustration on both sides of the Atlantic.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
169189
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
169186
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
169188
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
169194
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
169192
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Many American scholars and pundits have recently concluded that the United States’ 40-year engagement strategy has failed to guide China to embark on the path of liberal democracy. Therefore, some scholars suggest that the United States separate itself from China, possibly through a policy of economic “disengagement,” or perhaps return to the containment policy.1 Such policies, however, could backfire and would not be conducive to China’s interests or to those of the United States and the Western world. It is still entirely possible for the United States to facilitate China on a path toward further political diversification, economic liberalization, integration with the Western world, and compliance with international rules.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|