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| 1 |
ID:
169401
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| Summary/Abstract |
Globalisation has arguably been the most discussed topic since the 1970s, and the intensity of discussion peaked in 1995 when the World Trade Organization was formed. As the ideal for growth, globalisation was the tide that lifted all boats. China has been held up as a shining example of a beneficiary of globalisation. The China globalisation model, exemplified by Shenzhen, is founded on production for exports, with inflow of foreign direct investment by transnational corporations bringing in technologies and efficient production methods. The authors analyse case studies of secondary cities, namely Quanzhou, Yiwu and Nanning, to illustrate that alternative globalisation models exist. Quanzhou has had a long history of globalisation, the nature of which changed over the centuries. Its globalisation today leverages the history of earlier phases. The Yiwu model is a contrast to the Shenzhen model in that Yiwu's globalisation represented an extension of its role as a wholesale market benefiting the small traders. Nanning is a good example of state-led globalisation. Findings have demonstrated that other models undoubtedly exist, and that city size is not necessarily indicative of the impact of globalisation.
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| 2 |
ID:
169406
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This article analyses distinctive features and contextual causes of the resignation en masse of Chinese government officials in the wake of the 18th Party Congress. Typically, officials who resigned were neither being "ceilinged" nor considered laggards. Instead, they were front runners with proven records, and had stronger achievement orientations and risk-taking personalities. However, three contextual changes triggered the exodus—the heightened risk of pursuing a political career attributed to the unexpectedly relentless momentum of the anti-corruption campaign; intensified work stress due to the reimposed orthodox ideological straightjacket and reinstated Maoist morals; and demoralisation and disillusionment as a result of aggravated nepotism and the condoned practice of anonymous informing.
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| 3 |
ID:
169398
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Local governments in China have been frequently blamed for the deteriorating environmental conditions due to their failure to implement and enforce national environmental laws. To improve local governments' environmental performance, the recently amended Environmental Protection Law provides a comprehensive responsibility system to hold local officials accountable. However, the underlying reasons behind local governments' failures, as the author argues, are much more complicated than they may appear. While variables like motivation, incentives and capacity are widely recognised as key factors in successful implementation of the new law, the transparency, accuracy and rigidity of legal provisions are equally important. When the new law is ambiguous and fails to explicitly delegate responsibilities, local leaders become confused about their environmental responsibilities and may act improperly to cheat the accountability system. All of these variables must be understood in the current context of central–local relations which informs local governments' identity, decision-making process and law implementation.
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| 4 |
ID:
169403
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This study investigates the distribution of political ideologies among Chinese college students, and the relationship between political ideologies and students' attitudes towards foreign and domestic affairs. Findings have shown that the distribution of Chinese college students in four ideological groups—nationalist, liberal nationalist, liberalist, and non-liberalist and non-nationalist—is fairly even. Chinese college students across the political spectrum show strong support for China's development in the South China Sea. Liberal Chinese students and the politically apathetic ones adopt a less belligerent attitude towards foreign affairs than their nationalist and liberal nationalist counterparts. In terms of domestic affairs, Chinese college students in general, and Chinese nationalists and liberal nationalists in particular, are satisfied with government performance except for the anti-corruption campaign.
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| 5 |
ID:
169402
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars and practitioners have provided two main explanations for the rising exclusionary localist identity in Hong Kong: the rising economic pressures on grassroots citizens and the political discontent caused by the delayed political reforms. However, little research has systematically investigated the identity shift in Hong Kong after 1997. Using the Public Opinion Survey data and time-series analysis methods, the authors find that housing prices positively contribute to the salience of localist identity in Hong Kong and this effect is particularly strong among the younger generation. In contrast to the claims of pro-democracy activists, Beijing's political intervention has a negligible impact on Hong Kong people's identity transition.
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| 6 |
ID:
169404
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Based on discussions of small country agency in international relations, this article reexamines China–South Sudan relations from the perspective of asymmetric relationships. Detailing how the asymmetric relationship between China and South Sudan exacerbated misperceptions and conflict, the article also tests the feasibility of applying Brantly Womack's theory of asymmetry in relationships in a non-security context. As asymmetry is an underlying structural factor in China–South Sudan relations, managing the asymmetry will continue to be challenging for both China and South Sudan in the years to come.
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| 7 |
ID:
169397
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Political control is not the only potential source of interference with judicial independence and impartiality. As the stakeholders in cases, litigants have perhaps the most significant incentive to influence the outcome of judges' decision-making. Based on introducing the concept in Chinese society of interpersonal relationships known as guanxi into a discussion of the nature of judicial power, this article examines a report released by the Caijing magazine about 200 corrupt judges convicted between 1995 and 2013 and argues that in China's society with guanxi embedded as its cultural roots, social pressure from relatives, friends and acquaintances of judges is a major source of external interference in judicial decision-making.
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| 8 |
ID:
169400
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This article examines non-tax funds in transitional China, with special reference to their impact on local fiscal revenue and local government behaviour since 1994. It is found that official statistics on non-tax funds of local governments have been significantly underestimated because land transfer fees are excluded from those statistics. In addition, the rise of non-tax funds is chiefly caused by changes in the division of central–local revenue and the redistribution of state-owned property rights against a background of fiscal decentralisation. Local governments, functioning like a firm with self-interest, make great efforts to seek non-tax funds, which change the priority order of public services.
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| 9 |
ID:
169405
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While the Chinese government officially recognises only 55 ethnic minorities, vernacular identification is becoming increasingly dynamic in the context of modernisation and globalisation. Rather than adopting the perspective of dichotomy of assimilation and ethnic competition that followed after official Chinese identification, this research reveals the complexity and heterogeneity of ethnic identity by examining the identification process of the Malimasa people in Yunnan province, south-west China, who are an officially unrecognised group. Using an ethnographic approach to conduct an in-depth case study, this research examines the differences in the identification processes and local narratives of three Malimasa communities. The research findings suggest that three forces, i.e. the multicultural ethnic context, economic policy and government policy, have shaped the Malimasa people's identification process in different ways, even though all three communities were settled in a small geographic area and share a common history. As such, the research calls for further research on officially unrecognised groups, deeper reflection on policy reform and greater attention directed to ethnic variations and diversity. These measures will help to improve ethnic consolidation and conservation of cultural diversity in response to the Chinese central government's concerns.
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| 10 |
ID:
169399
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's securities markets have experienced rapid growth in the past two decades. The Shanghai Stock Exchange, for example, was ranked the fourth-largest stock exchange in the world as of end of June 2018. China's judiciary has been absent in protecting the interests of investors in its securities markets. This therefore raises the obvious question of who plays the role in protecting Chinese investors in this fast-growing and potentially volatile market. This article finds the Chinese state, by deploying various political resources, plays a direct role that is often more significant than that played by the judiciary in protecting investors' interests. China's capital markets are reflective of its unique historical and contemporary conditions. The establishment and development of China's securities markets are made possible under the direction of the state.
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