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| 1 |
ID:
194382
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| Summary/Abstract |
The current paper compares the prevalence and nature of childhood adversity among twenty former left-wing and right-wing extremists. Findings from the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) questionnaire suggest that exposure to childhood adversity was common in the early lives of both extremist types. For example, 50 percent of LWE and 70 percent of RWE experienced four or more ACE exposures during the first eighteen years of their life. The results also demonstrate that participants in both samples experienced a range of adolescent conduct problems. These conduct issues highlight the cascading effects of childhood adversity, where negative events help produce a downward spiral that ultimately increases a person’s susceptibility to extremism. Despite the relatively small sample, findings from this exploratory study build on the risk factor model of violent extremism by highlighting childhood adversity and adolescent misconduct as nonideological precursors to violent extremism among different types of extremists.
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| 2 |
ID:
169918
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores differences in perpetrators of suicide attacks and non-suicide attacks in the United States. The study uses data on far-right and Al Qaeda and affiliated/inspired terrorists between 1990 and 2013 from the United States Extremist Crime Database. Our analysis estimates logistic regression models to test whether suicide attackers were more likely to have exhibited specific risk factors for suicidality, while examining other prominent claims regarding patterns of suicide terrorism. Suicide attackers were no more likely than non-suicide attackers to have previously attempted suicide or to have been diagnosed as mentally ill. Suicide attackers were more likely, though, to have a history of substance abuse, to be loners, have served in the military, participated in paramilitary training, and be more ideologically committed to the cause. We found that Al Qaeda affiliated/inspired attackers were more likely than far-right attackers to have engaged in a suicide mission. With the current focus on Americans traveling to Syria and Iraq to receive training and fight for jihadist movements (e.g., the Islamic State), our findings appear relevant. Observers have expressed concern that these fighters may return and then commit attacks in their homeland. Law enforcement could make use of this study’s findings.
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| 3 |
ID:
188035
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last decade, there has been an increased focus among researchers on the role of the Internet among actors and groups across the political and ideological spectrum. There has been particular emphasis on the ways that far-right extremists utilize forums and social media to express ideological beliefs through sites affiliated with real-world extremist groups and unaffiliated websites. The majority of research has used qualitative assessments or quantitative analyses of keywords to assess the extent of specific messages. Few have considered the breadth of extremist ideologies expressed among participants so as to quantify the proportion of beliefs espoused by participants. This study addressed this gap in the literature through a content analysis of over 18,000 posts from eight far-right extremist forums operating online. The findings demonstrated that the most prevalent ideological sentiments expressed in users’ posts involved anti-minority comments, though they represent a small proportion of all posts made in the sample. Additionally, users expressed associations to far-right extremist ideologies through their usernames, signatures, and images associated with their accounts. The implications of this analysis for policy and practice to disrupt extremist movements were discussed in detail.
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| 4 |
ID:
183019
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| Summary/Abstract |
Australia is becoming a growing hotbed for far-right extremism given the rapid proliferation of far-right groups and mainstreaming of extremist thought. Radical Islamist violence within the region has fuelled far-right ultra-nationalistic hatred of Islam and Muslims. Newer far-right groups are increasingly heterogeneous, anti-Muslim and understand the influential power of media to further their narratives. As such, far-right ideology becomes more mainstream and Islamophobia rises in social and political domains. Australia’s newer far-right groups forward their notion of “Australian” identity that they claim is under siege from what they perceive as an encroaching dominance of Islam and Muslims in Australia. This article will explore the ideological landscape of such far-right ultra-nationalist extremist groups and how these narratives normalise hatred against Muslims. I contend that it is the expansion of the far-right identity to include multi-ethnic ultra-nationalists, the manipulation of meta-narratives of “Australian values” in both the social and mainstream media, and the dichotomous notion of “good” and “evil” based on religious-racial politics, that has helped to radicalise the new Australian far-right ultra-nationalist groups against Muslims.
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| 5 |
ID:
182649
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| Summary/Abstract |
most media and academic attention has focused on mass shootings and other deadly conventional attacks, far-right non-state actors have also considered developing chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) weapons. Some far-right extremists have suggested using radiological devices, often referred to as “weapons of mass disruption,” as one means to achieve their ideological goals. Although radiological plots and successful attacks have rarely occurred, the presence of unsecured radioactive sources across the United States augments the danger of this type of terrorism. To explore dimensions of the radiological-weapons threat posed by domestic far-right extremists, this paper studies three illustrative cases of possible radiological-weapons pursuit since 2008, aiming to identify lessons from these incidents. An in-depth examination of the cases reveals foremost that some actors successfully acquired materials needed for a radiological weapon without triggering intervention by authorities. Additionally, although the individuals did not plot in large, hierarchical groups, they had links to other people and organizations that shared their far-right views and allegedly discussed their plans with others. While broad generalizations cannot be made from three cases, these incidents provide concrete examples of the far-right radiological-weapons threat and context for understanding how far-right extremists view the role of CBRN weapons.
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