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| 1 |
ID:
169116
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues for a re-examination of China’s engagement with Africa. Rather than offering broad continental generalisations, or concentrating only on individual country case-studies, researchers and analysts would be better served by recognising and understanding the specific and varied regional contexts in which relations occur. Utilising Hettne’s conception of regionalism and regionalisation processes, and over 100 field work interviews, the paper presents a broad continental overview of China’s role in Africa followed by a more detailed case study of China’s role in East Africa. The paper argues that the regional reality of African security dynamics enmeshes China into intra-regional geopolitics and complex local level security issues, and sees the relationship greatly affected by the varied behaviour and agency of the African leaders.
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| 2 |
ID:
169118
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of the Cold War, arms embargoes have typically been imposed on isolated and relatively weak states. Exceptionally, the 1989 US-led arms embargo on China is imposed on an influential world power that has various means to deal with it. Moreover, it has so far failed to change the behavior of and reduce arms imports by the targeted state—two basic parameters of arms embargo success. Attempting to explain the endurance of China arms embargo and building on the vast literature of international sanctions, the article closely examines the embargo’s changing goals, costs, and implementation over the years. Arguing that the evolvement of these three components has kept the embargo cost-effective, the article enhances our understanding of the effectiveness of US China policy and concurrently illustrates the capacity of international sanctions to expose the true goal hierarchy, means, and political processes that underlie foreign policies.
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| 3 |
ID:
169109
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This study examined the relations between parental migration and the adjustment of left-behind children and the mediating role of parental support in rural China. Data were collected for 4,429 students (2,229 boys, M age = 12 years) in public schools from peer evaluations, teacher ratings, self-reports, and school records. The analyses revealed different patterns of relations of mother migration and father migration to children’s adjustment. Whereas mother migration was negatively associated with children’s social competence and academic achievement and positively associated with children’s psychological problems, father migration was positively associated with children’s positive adjustment, mainly through the mediation of maternal support. The results concerning the different implications of father migration and mother migration for children’s adjustment and the critical role of maternal support represent a significant contribution to the understanding of human development in the contemporary rural Chinese context. The results are also useful for policy-makers and professionals to develop programs and strategies to help rural left-behind children in China.
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| 4 |
ID:
169110
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| Summary/Abstract |
Few studies of childhood poverty in China have considered social deprivations, and fewer still have considered deprivations in contexts beyond the household. In this article, the authors propose a multi-context poverty measure that includes economic and social deprivations in the family, school, and community domains. The authors compare this measure to standard money-metric measures of poverty using a 15-year longitudinal study of children from 100 villages in Northwest China. Nearly a quarter of multi-context poor children are not income poor, while almost three-fourths of the income poor are not multi-context poor. Social and community deprivations are only weakly associated with ‘money-metric’ deprivations but are significantly linked with short and long-term welfare outcomes for children. The multi-context approach can be tailored to index household and community poverty alleviation targets.
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| 5 |
ID:
169115
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Tsinghua clique is highly influential in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) politics. But in the past, alumni from other elite universities, such as Peking University and Renmin University of China, also occupied positions as senior cadres, so Tsinghua did not have any more influence than they did. However, since 2002, Tsinghua University has developed a ‘cultivation/transfer’ system whereby the school, in a purposeful, calculating, and organized manner, selects and trains talented students and then places them in political posts after graduation. After these students enter officialdom, they strengthen their ties with other alumni through their connections with the Tsinghua authorities and the Tsinghua Alumni Association. With this system in place, Tsinghua alumni account for the majority of ‘post-1980 generation’ county-level leading cadres. The authors therefore predict that the ‘Tsinghua clique’ will gain even stronger political influence, and Tsinghua University will likely become the most significant university for cultivating senior cadres.
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| 6 |
ID:
169113
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| Summary/Abstract |
While much has been written about US–China strategic rivalry, no study to the authors’ knowledge has conducted an empirical analysis of this rivalry. This article fills this gap by investigating whether and how this rivalry affects a country’s response to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The findings of this article indicate that certain aspects of bilateral strategic ties indeed have strong effects on a country’s reaction to the Chinese bank. More specifically, shorter distance to higher a level of partnership with, and more arms purchase from Beijing lead to faster accession to the AIIB, while the shorter distance to Washington results in slower accession, controlling for other factors. In addition, economically developed countries appear to be consistently more eager to join the Beijing-led bank than economically underdeveloped countries.
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| 7 |
ID:
169117
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran is one of the countries involved in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). What effects will the realization of the BRI have on the geo economical and geopolitical status of Iran? On the one hand, this project can boost China’s presence and influence in the political economy of Iran and its neighborhood, and create new domains of competition between Iran and China. On the other hand, it could contribute to the revival of Iran’s historical role in the ancient Silk Road. Thus, to participate in this project, Iran is stuck between hope and fear. It is fearful for Iran because it has negative effects on Iranian interests, at the same time Iran is hopeful because it can enhance its economic development and raise its historical role as a bridge between the East and the West.
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| 8 |
ID:
169111
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper describes the current level of human capital in China and seeks to identify a number of education-related challenges that may slow down the nation’s economy from transitioning to high-income status. Relying on recent census-based data from OECD for the rest of the world and using data from the 2015 Micro-Census for China, the authors show that the low levels of education of China’s labour force is really a problem that has its roots in the past (in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s). In recent years (since 2000), China has been investing heavily in education as shown by the increasing the share of youth, including rural youth, attending high school. Despite this recent effort to raise the nation’s human capital, the education system still faces several challenges in trying to provide high-quality education for all youth. First, the government must figure out a way to overcome the relatively low rates of participation in high school by rural students. Second, there is concern that many vocational schools, especially those in rural areas, cannot deliver quality education. Finally, the paper will show that many rural students may be unprepared due to poor early childhood development outcomes.
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| 9 |
ID:
169114
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research examines throughout the rhetorical efforts of Chinese state media to externally legitimate the AIIB. To that end, it builds an analytical framework of legitimacy comprising four general dimensions—external, institutional, procedural and performance, each of which is substantiated by legitimacy claims specific to the AIIB. Empirically, the article is based on an in-depth content analysis of 730 AIIB-centric articles collected from four state media. The study finds the following: (1) Chinese state media grounded the AIIB’s justificatory rhetoric primarily on institutional legitimacy and external recognition, and more specifically, the bank’s utility, complementarity, and growing membership/support; (2) Chinese state media intensified rhetorical efforts following the UK’s announcement to join and increasing international attention on the new bank. The framework built and conclusions drawn herein can shed some light on China’s rhetorical legitimation of its emerging institution-building behavior.
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| 10 |
ID:
169112
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses an innovative rural-urban migrant survey to assess how social disadvantage is associated with children’s nutritional status in migrant households. Measures of social disadvantage are based on China’s hukou system of household registration (designed to limit domestic migration flows by denying urban public services to migrants with rural registrations) and on son preference (stemming in part from the strict one-child policy). Regression results indicate that a rural hukou status is negatively associated with children’s weight-for-age Z-scores, even after controlling for household characteristics, and girl children exhibit poorer nutritional status than boys. Results from a quantile decomposition procedure confirm that left-behind children have lower nutritional scores than children who migrate with their parents, and the gaps are biggest at lower portions of the distribution.
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