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| 1 |
ID:
167485
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article has three parts. The first part discusses the multiple agricultural production modalities that currently can be observed in China. By analyzing the complexity of the existing modalities, it will be shown that agricultural production in China still relies strongly on peasant farming. The second part explains that the domestic agrarian change influences China’s relation with the global food market. This implies that China’s overseas agricultural investment and the domestic agrarian situation should be studied together instead of being separated from each other. The third part focuses on the internal changes of agricultural production in China. Based on the thesis of ‘hidden agricultural revolution’ as elaborated by Philip Huang, it is argued that dietary transition indeed plays a critical role in the restructuring of the agricultural production in China. But this is only an exogenous driving force. The endogenous drivers of structural change in agricultural production are the rapid increase in land rent and labor costs in China. Agricultural structural change is a process of mutual interaction between the exogenous conditions and endogenous conditions.
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| 2 |
ID:
167490
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study aims to investigate Weibo users’ political ideologies in China. It argues that a left-right spectrum cannot adequately depict the ideological landscape, and proposes a typological framework to guide the analysis of competing ideologies. Based on a sample of 3440 Weibo users, this article uses latent class model to identify sub-types of ideologues. It discerns five ideological groups, namely Maoists, regime defenders, full-fledged liberals, economic liberals, and political liberals, as well as one politically silent group. The results show that liberal leaning Weibo users are not a homogeneous group, and should not be holistically conceived as regime challengers in opposition to regime defenders. To a certain degree, economic liberals are more similar to regime defenders than Maoists, and this can be better understood from a typological perspective than a spectrum perspective. This article concludes with a discussion on the political implications of the findings.
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| 3 |
ID:
167484
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines the role elite factional politics played in China’s decision to attack Vietnam in February 1979. Whereas existing studies have clarified the geopolitical context and the influence of China’s international relations with other states, this one unlocks the connections between the war, China’s post-Mao political succession struggle, and a long-standing dispute between the supporters of two distinct military doctrines—Mao’s People’s War strategy and, its rival, military modernization. To establish whether causation exists, this study first identifies the causal mechanism, then conducts a careful investigation of the relationship between the decision to go to war and the power struggle that raged in Beijing at the time. Process tracing is used to conceptualize and sequence six distinct stages in the causal chain between 1959 and 1981; that is, in the lead up to, during, and in the aftermath of the war. The primary conclusion is that, in addition to international considerations, Deng Xiaoping advocated the attack on Vietnam because it allowed him to accelerate military modernization and de-Maoification and thus defeat his political rival Communist Party Chairman Hua Guofeng and take control of China.
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| 4 |
ID:
167482
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Belt and Road initiative is five years old and has resulted in voluminous publications by scholars and policy pundits in many corners of the world. It is by far the most watched foreign policy initiative that the PRC has projected on the world stage. Departing from the standard focus on BRI’s external ambition, this article investigates the political dynamics inside the Chinese state, which has driven and will continue to shape the contour and magnitude of the BRI in the future. The article builds a theory of state fragmentation and argues that the Belt and Road is a mobilization campaign by the Communist leadership in order to deal with domestic and diplomatic challenges. Mobilization, however, intensifies fragmentation and results in the decentralized implementation of the BRI that diverges from the rhetoric of the strategy. Lower-level governments and major business groups leverage on the BRI and devise projects and programs that serve their economic interests. On the one hand, economic growth is being revived in the localities; on the other, restructuring and rebalancing of the Chinese economy are delayed.
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| 5 |
ID:
167481
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese leaders often invoke the feelings of the Chinese people in international disputes. However, most survey research on Chinese public opinion on international affairs has looked at measures of nationalist identity rather than beliefs about foreign policy and evaluations of the government’s performance. Five surveys of Chinese citizens, netizens, and elites help illuminate the attitudes that the Chinese government grapples with in managing international security policy. The results suggest that Chinese attitudes are more hawkish than dovish and that younger Chinese, while perhaps not more nationalist in identity, may be more hawkish in their foreign policy beliefs than older generations. Netizens and elites are even more inclined to call on the Chinese government to invest in and rely more on military strength.
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| 6 |
ID:
167486
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| Summary/Abstract |
Village health stations (VHSs) are core providers of health services in rural China, responsible for almost a quarter of all consultations and outpatient services nationwide. During the reform period, misfit regulatory institutions have negatively influenced the quality of their services, as they require self-employed doctors mainly funded through out-of-pocket payments to provide unprofitable preventive care, and cheap primary care services. This study explores the effects of health reforms on VHSs over the last two decades, arguing that the institutional ambiguity resulting from these misfit institutions negatively affected the outcomes of core health reforms. This is evident in the stronger performance of VHSs where doctors are salaried employees. Recent pricing reforms may also come to improve the performance of the private sector.
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| 7 |
ID:
167483
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| Summary/Abstract |
Winston Churchill once said, ‘it is better to jaw-jaw than to war-war.’ However, negotiations are particularly difficult when they are enmeshed in public opinion precommitments. The sharpest crisis between China and Vietnam in the last 30 years concerned the placement of a Chinese oil rig into contested waters in 2014. This study analyses the Chinese and Vietnamese propaganda efforts surrounding the crisis as examples of the instrumental use of propaganda in managing domestic public opinion on diplomatic crises. The article argues that despite very different approaches to public diplomacy during the crisis, both states were primarily concerned with avoiding escalation and ending the confrontation. The authors show how propaganda function as a pacifying device in dealing with rising domestic nationalism when executing a moderate foreign policy.
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| 8 |
ID:
167487
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| Summary/Abstract |
Local governments in China face a fundamental ‘democracy dilemma’ in rural governance: although elected village cadres may not be capable or controllable, local governments cannot change or abolish village self-government, as enshrined in China’s Constitution and the national laws. However, there has recently been a new way of dealing with this dilemma for local governments: called the ‘Separation of Election and Employment’ (xuan pin fenli, SEE) [of village cadres]. Based on an in-depth case study of a Zhejiang county, this article argues that SEE is a typical type of institutional layering, which adds a new meritocratic village cadre management system onto existing village democracy. This is a path-dependent institutional change, emulating the Chinese Communist Party’s nomenklatura and bianzhi systems. This research has broader implications concerning gradual institutional change and political meritocracy.
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| 9 |
ID:
167488
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| Summary/Abstract |
Authoritarian regimes face a dilemma in punishing dissidents. They need extralegal punishments to ensure social stability, but they also want to legalize punishment decisions to sustain an image of adherence to the rule of law. These contradictory goals present an agency problem: local officials must selectively implement the competing goals of the central government. By analyzing data on 1408 dissidents in China from 2007 to 2014, this article argues that local officials are more likely to select legitimate punishments when they experience stronger pressure for career development and their province has a wealthier local economy. These findings reveal the effects of the principal-agent problem on the dynamics of stability preservation in China and indicate that punishment decisions serve not only the needs of regime survival but also the needs of individual officials.
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