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| 1 |
ID:
170316
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contextualizes and clarifies the political and security components of China's contemporary strategic engagement with developing countries. Over the last decade, China has adopted a more self-confident and assertive foreign policy, under which political and military elements have become more prominent. This approach places renewed emphasis on China's position in and leadership of the developing world. China's leaders look to coordinate policy with "newly emerging powers" to support and foster what they identify as the trend towards a more "multipolar" world order, that is, soft balancing against American "hegemonism." Moreover, Beijing seeks to curry favor with and raise the voices of developing countries in international institutions to build a normative constituency against American unilateralism. As part of this effort to "democratize" international relations, Beijing has also underwritten a constellation of China-dominated regional institutions that harmonize its policies and provide venues to build strategic relationships with developing countries.
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| 2 |
ID:
170318
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Despite the increasing importance of e-commerce adoption in a digital economy, its impacts on the functioning and dynamics of traditional industrial clusters are not yet touched. This exploratory study of the actual practices of e-commerce adoption and its impacts on a traditional town-based cluster in China unfolds an intriguing trajectory that does not conform to popular perceptions of e-commerce studies. It is found that e-commerce adoption neither depreciates local production networks between clustering SMEs nor changes the way of knowledge circulation and utility within the cluster. Trust relations created by geographical and relational proximity cannot be achieved by either electronic communications or online transactions. However, e-commerce adoption does start to alter the inter-dependent relationship between clustering firms and local specialized market by diversifying marketing channels of clustering SMEs and more easily targeting and accessing to individual customers. Findings of this research contribute to the debate over the pattern of trust-building in a digital era and to the discussion on local buzz and virtual buzz.
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| 3 |
ID:
170314
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| Summary/Abstract |
After a period of movement abeyance since the Umbrella Movement, millions of Hong Kong citizens took to the streets in summer 2019 to protest against a proposed extradition bill that would allow the Hong Kong authorities to extradite its citizens to mainland China. Initially calling for the withdrawal of the impending bill, the mass protests soon evolved into a prolonged and city-wide movement targeting police abuse of power and seeking political reforms. Using data collected from onsite surveys along with population survey results, this article offers a rich descriptive account of the origins and characteristics of this momentous movement. We first examine how the protests unexpectedly emerged despite the absence of favorable conditions amidst a declining trend of political efficacy. We then illustrate several core characteristics of the protests through the survey data: first, protesters were motivated by a coherent set of demands that focused on police powers and the unrepresentative political system; second, they are self-mobilized and technologically-enabled, showing strong alignment with the leaderless ethics of the movement; and third, they displayed a tremendous level of solidarity unseen in previous protests, which provided the momentum for escalation and radicalization. Our findings indicate that despite some basic continuities with past trajectories, political activism has undergone a profound evolution under the authoritarian tightening in post-handover Hong Kong.
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| 4 |
ID:
170317
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the context of wider misunderstanding of the roles of Hua Guofeng and Deng Xiaoping in the post-Mao "reversal of verdicts," conventional wisdom views Hua as an obstacle to the vindication of the 1976 Tiananmen protests, and the outcome as contributing to Deng's victory in an ongoing struggle between the two. In fact, the politics of the Tiananmen reversal were complicated and multilayered, and at clear variance from common assumptions concerning the two leaders. At the level of specific policy, there is no evidence of differences between Hua and Deng. But in terms of engagement, Hua was more proactive in pushing the process forward, albeit hoping that this could be done in a relatively quiet manner, while Deng showed little interest. When the crucial moment came during the 1978 Central Work Conference preceding the Third Plenum, Deng was overseas while Hua took decisive action to affirm that the protests were "completely revolutionary." Back in Beijing, Deng supported "the decision of the Party Center headed by Chairman Hua," a decision reflecting Hua's political approach from virtually the outset of his leadership. As both leaders sought to explain the decision, Deng's main concern was to temper the result, particularly by warning of "consequences" that could damage Mao's reputation if not handled carefully.
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| 5 |
ID:
170319
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on the interviews and questionnaires with 45 Myanmar settlers and 55 administrative staff living and working in three border areas (two cities and one county) in southwest China, this article aims to explore the political, cultural, and social identity of the Myanmar settlers. In addition, this article compares responses from Myanmar settlers and local Chinese officials in order to more thoroughly analyze the situation of the immigrants. It finds that the immigrants' social, cultural and political connection with China is strong. Thus there is not a big concern regarding the impact generated from the immigrants' diverse identities to the local administration. This article suggests that some measures should be adopted to help the newcomers integrate into local society, which can not only help the immigrants to improve their quality of life but can also improve social stability and order. In a theoretical sense, this article also examines challenges caused by social diversity to a government who wants to maintain social harmony and safeguard social order.
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| 6 |
ID:
170315
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 1983, the Hong Kong dollar has been linked under a modified currency board mechanism to the US dollar. This arrangement has maintained confidence in the Hong Kong dollar's value, and is generally regarded as a success. Yet this confidence has been bought at the cost of volatility vis-à-vis other currencies and volatility in the economy as a whole. Geopolitically, as a Special Administrative Region of China, Hong Kong may find a link to the US dollar unsustainable, particularly if US-China tensions worsen. However, linking to China's RMB will not be a sensible option as long as convertibility of the RMB remains restricted. Linking the Hong Kong dollar to the IMF's SDR, which includes the RMB, would be a possibility in the future—the more attractive if by then there is wider use of the SDR.
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