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| 1 |
ID:
170186
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| Summary/Abstract |
‘Prometheism’ was an interwar movement of borderland nationalists from the former Russian Empire who envisioned the division of the Soviet Union into independent nation-states. This article argues that ideological affinities and diasporic connections made the Promethean cause an attractive ‘alternative internationalism’ to the Soviet system for exiled thinkers hailing from the so-called ‘southern borderlands’ of Crimea, the Caucasus, the Volga region and Central Asia. In the 1930s, Prometheism drew intellectuals from these regions to Poland, where the movement’s thinkers formulated ambitious visions of Eurasian liberation from Soviet power.
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| 2 |
ID:
170183
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the relationship between relative group position in an ethnically stratified social order and anti-immigrant attitudes in Russia. Based on data from the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey of the Higher School of Economics, it studies the role of two objective indicators of group position: relative ingroup size and the group’s dominant political status within a region. The findings show that when a group position is measured in numerical terms, the attitudes of ethnic Russians seem to follow social dominance theory, while titulars tend to conform to the alienation-based extension to the group position model.
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| 3 |
ID:
170185
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This study examines the effects of social embeddedness on interest in politics and electoral behaviour using data from a nationally representative survey conducted shortly after the 2011 presidential election in Kyrgyzstan. We find that interest in politics is positively associated with community trust, public sector employment and a sense of national belonging. Controlling for the effects of interest in politics, community trust and public sector employment are also positively associated with voting in this election, whereas evidence on ethno-cultural inclusion is mixed. These findings highlight the role of social embeddedness in political participation in young post-communist democracies.
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| 4 |
ID:
170184
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based upon interviews and ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Kazan (Tatarstan, Russia) and Ürümqi (Xinjiang, China), the article proposes an explanatory framework consisting of structural and agential factors to address how and why normative and implemented bilingualism may differ across ethnically based autonomous regions. It argues that higher inter-ethnic integration can boost the capacity of titular elites to bargain with the centre, leading to more formal recognition of the titular language, even if not immediately augmenting its use in daily life; conversely, a more pronounced inter-ethnic divide can serve to sustain more vigorous informal use of the titular language, while at the same time impeding improvement of its formal status.
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| 5 |
ID:
170182
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| Summary/Abstract |
Protest performances inside parliament during 2012–2016 articulated claims to uphold democracy that contributed to the maintenance of pluralism in Ukraine during attempted authoritarian consolidation. Simultaneously, such protests were para-institutional instruments in the ongoing power struggle engendered by a patronal system where formal institutions and norms weakly constrained actors. A diverse repertoire of protest, including rostrum-blocking, visual protest, withdrawal, auditory disruption, somatic protest and spectacle, was used frequently and adapted in response to changes in the political opportunity structure. Innovations to the repertoire drew on and modified performative methods used by social movements.
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| 6 |
ID:
170181
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| Summary/Abstract |
Can theories explaining far right voting in Western Europe be extended to post-communist Eastern Europe? We address this question with a comparative demand-side analysis of far right parties and their voters in four post-communist countries: Bulgaria, Latvia, Lithuania, and Slovakia. Our findings indicate the emergence of two distinct types of far right party. While the Latvian and Lithuanian far right resemble the new radical right (NRR) model, the Bulgarian far right comes closer to the welfare chauvinist ideal type. The far right mobilised anti-Semitic voters in Latvia, Slovakia and Bulgaria. In all four cases, the far right was especially successful in capturing the votes of ethnic majority members who are the most opposed to their country’s formerly dominant ethnic group.
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